DAY TWO HAWU MUMENHES PRESENTATIONS: "Growing and Facilitating Deepened Bilateral Micro-Economic Relations" (3 July 4385)1. Hawu Mumenhes Minister of Finance Julian Warren-Mhaule, Excerpt of Remarks:1:00 PM, Grand Ballroom, TQ Star Hotel'. . . But curiously what researchers have found accompanying the increase in multipolarity and greater political integration is a steep uptick in the
difficulty of locating credible information rather than any
easing in data collection. Scholars on our side of the ocean have tended to attribute this to a degradation in the quality of information sources themselves, whereas many casual observers had assumed the culprit was a simple overabundance of sources, a kind of information overload that exhausted practitioners rather than edifying them.
What might cause a decline? How and why would leading economies lose their capacity to clearly communicate critical facts and shed insight simply due to the presence of a greater array of emerging powers? Well, the latest research tells us that it wasn't just the emergence of the new powers that led to obfuscation, but also the
exit from international governance of several key stewards of global data curation. In international affairs we tend to conceive of the actors as essentially permanent even if their statuses and roles change over time. But in fact, Terra has not tended to operate this way at all in recent centuries. On the microeconomy and financial front, one key example of this was the collapse of the Hutori Federalist Party about a century ago. Legacy powers and firms will recall that throughout the 41st and 42nd centuries, the Hutorian economy was a leader not only in innovation and economic growth, but also in the provision of data products. We tend to remember the headline firms when thinking of the Hutorian economy's glory days: companies like the International Terran Bank, the Hutorian Stock Exchange, and the country's several well known tech companies. But when you look at the core businesses of those companies, you don't find much finance there actually. The Hutorian Stock Exchange's total market cap never reached $10 billion bark if I'm not mistaken, but even if so, it never far exceeded it. International Terran Bank had far greater volume of transactions, but its fairly enormous assets under management never really helped to attract a significant increase in capital sources. What both these companies did attract with great abundance however was information. Every tin pot dictator and rogue power and radical political party upstart rushed to deposit their assets with ITB. This on account of an effective marketing operation we believe. The Hutorian Stock Exchange, with its much lower volume, still persisted in keeping the world informed regarding the really ambitious and disruptive corporations coming on-line around the world, especially inside Hutori which was then likely the world's leading economy. And ITB, while promising its customers discretion, actually publicized an enormous amount of data about the personal assets of scores of the world's leading figures.
It was this latter access to data that our researchers have identified as not only allowing the Hutorian economy to act as the world's premier provider of economy intelligence, but it also gave to Hutorian companies and their government the capacity to quickly and effectively navigate the global micoeconomy. The Hutorian Federalist Party was key here because so many of the executives and investors who led and financed this network of veritable information storehouses were staunch supporters of the Federalist Party. The Carmichael clan whose financial interests were so intertwined with Hutorian technology firms and finance -- well their ancestor actually founded the Federalist Party, and their relatives remained key figures in that party for centuries. Even today the remnants of Federalist influence in Hutorian politics has not fully receded: the Hutorian emperor himself is in fact a member of the Carmichael family.
What our researchers have observed occurring is that, as new powers and disruptive firms have emerged across the globe and over time,there has been an increasing emphasis placed on expedient growth rather than organic and broad-based growth. You look at major multinational firms like the Valruzian auto manufacturers: they're in a dozen different countries employing tens of millions of people. But what do we know about the inner operations of their corporate leadership and their subsidiaries? What information dividend has the world experienced as a result of the expanding Valruzian manufacturing market share? Not much is the answer. In the political realm, examples like the Dankuk regime are illustrative. Dankuk officials from the imperial family to the recently deceased defense minister held the world on edge with almost daily pronouncements of awesome munitions and lethal but hidden interventions Terra-wide. And yet they all turned out to be phantoms. Has this setback Dankuk's strategic objectives significantly? In one sense it has: Dankuk's esteem in the community of nations along with the prowess of its military and the heft of its economy have all taken a fairly public dressing down. But the whole episode has not served to neutralize the Dranians to the degree that some seem to presume. Dankuk's foreign service in fact has only grown the regime's diplomatic relations and international influence as a result of its multiple and astonishing propaganda campaigns. Now, that's all well and good for the Dranians. But what has it meant for the world? It has unequivocally meant more more uncertainty, more instability, and in several cases, more insecurity and even loss of life. Can Terra continue to afford such confusions? Can the big economies and important diplomatic powers including Hawu Mumenhes and Indrala countenance such obfuscation? Can our peoples continue to enjoy the way of life they've become accustomed to if such a data environment persists? Hawu Mumenhes and the Esinsundu World say no.
What would be required to turn back the tide of degrading information resources? Someone will have to step into the breach. Some powers will have to abandon their reticence about revealing strategic objectives and maintaining intelligence advantages by actively making public details about their domestic economies. Sure, lists of the big firms in a country are interesting. But what do they tell the foreign companies looking for new markets and new partnerships? These Big Lists of Firms -- what do these firms need? What do they seek to accomplish? What are their near-term strategic objectives?
As Hawu, Imperial, and Indralan authorities work to deepen relations between and within our economies, the legal frameworks we adopt should increasingly avoid broad lines and instead begin to adopt specific and detailed microeconomy relationships, operations, and targets. And our foreign services should begin to abandon the old fantasies regarding grand treaties. No more can we or should we assume that a major treaty signed in an ostentatious ceremony or following a headline state visit can then remain and function as an effective framework and engine for economic relations indefinitely. Diplomats should instead advocate that their political leaders adopt short-term bilaterals with explicit sunset dates: say 3, 5, 10, or 15 years. Not only will such an adjustment in diplomatic practice keep political leaders abreast of day to day progress, opportunities, and needs of local and foreign national firms, but it will also keep governments in regular contact with one another and it will keep the personal relationships -- which underlie and are essential to stability in the international system -- current and up-to-date.
As we continue to benefit from this singular gathering that Indralan and Lotus Party officials have brought together, we encourage our Indralan counterparts to meet us on the sidelines to craft Hawu-Indralan relations suitable for contemporary geopolitical realities.'