Solentia

[axolyte]

Al-Takhghisi (Periodical)

April 5549 | 'From the Majatran Heartland to Takhghisi'

As your correspondent arrived at the heart of Takhghisi on what should have been an ordinary spring evening, the streets were anything but. Crowds gathered in clusters around impromptu stages while music from a mix of traditional Majatran oud and Dudmani drums pulsed through the alleys. The sounds blended into a seamless hum—a new, unexpected energy sweeping through the capital. This was no routine political victory party; this was the celebration of something no one, not even its architects, had truly foreseen: the fall of the Revolutionary Communist Party and the stunning ascent of Emir Khalid ibn Faisal al-Majatri.

Initially, election events for the Majatran Crown Restorationists had been planned for their northern heartlands—deep in Orambagh and Nukeyeh. There, where Khalid’s followers are thickest, the culture most resonates with the Majatran ideals he preaches. It was never intended as a victory celebration but rather as an exercise in resistance to the communists, a rallying cry for Majatran culture and endurance. But as the votes trickled in—first, unexpectedly strong in Fuzargai, then in Teshanullah, and across all Dudmani-majority regions—it became clear that the celebration needed to move to where it had the most resonance: the capital, Takhghisi. And so, at the last minute, the Emir’s team packed up the heartland plans and relocated the festivities to this melting pot of the old and new, a city where the Dudmani and Majatran meet but rarely see eye-to-eye.

By the time Khalid took the stage, the crowd was already abuzz—some with anticipation, others with sheer disbelief. Takhghisi had never been a city enamored with Khalid's politics. But tonight, they leaned in, curious. Clad in his now-familiar dark robes, Khalid stepped into the spotlight like a man both destined and surprised to be there. The weight of his ambition finally visible to all.

He began, as expected, in Majatran. A regal presence, full of gravitas and ancient symbolism, his voice was met with cheers from the gathered Majatrans who had come to the capital in droves. But what happened next stunned even the most hardened political watchers. With the ease of a practiced orator, Khalid shifted into Dudmani, the majority language of the nation, then into a local Bazgari dialect, repeating in both, “God is great—and He has granted freedom.”

The crowd erupted into a roar of approval. Dudmani onlookers who might once have seen Khalid as nothing more than a regional curiosity found themselves swept into the fervor. His words, his gestures—they transcended the parochialism many had expected from the Majatran Crown Restorationists. The streets of Takhghisi seemed to expand in that moment, embracing a new future that not even the most ardent supporters of the Emir could have imagined just days before.

Tariq ibn Hasan al-Majatri: The Strategist Behind the Victory

But this moment had not been born solely of luck or timing. It had been meticulously crafted by Tariq ibn Hasan al-Majatri, the man many are now whispering will become the next Premier. Khalid’s cousin, Tariq is not the face of the movement but the brains behind it. It was he who understood early on that Majatran nationalism alone would never be enough to claim victory in Solentia’s fractured political landscape.

While Khalid spoke of crowns and thrones, Tariq quietly crafted a strategy designed to appeal not just to the Majatran heartland but to the broader Solentian public. Under his guidance, the Restorationists’ campaign became not just about reclaiming lost glory but about offering economic hope, particularly in the Dudmani-dominated regions. In the final weeks of the campaign, it was Tariq who masterminded the Emir’s outreach to Dudmani voters—an outreach that many now credit as the reason for the party’s landslide victory.

For Tariq, this election was not just a political win; it was the culmination of years of planning, positioning, and pragmatism. Insiders suggest that his influence will only grow, as he is said to be laying the groundwork for a broader coalition that could keep the Restorationists in power for years to come.

The Fall of the RCP: An Unceremonious End

The mood in Takhghisi’s political circles is one of disbelief. For decades, the Revolutionary Communist Party had maintained an iron grip on Solentian politics. The idea that the RCP could fall—much less fall so suddenly and non-violently—had once seemed inconceivable. Yet, it is the view of your correspondent that in the wake of General Secretary Ikramullah Yousafzai’s sudden death, the party was caught off guard by its own internal strife. The brief power struggle between Wali Sajjadi and Ghazan Kashani for leadership left the party weakened, distracted, and unprepared for the sheer momentum of the Restorationist campaign.

Restorationist insiders are already briefing that it was this internal tussle within the RCP, coming so soon after Yousafzai’s death, that allowed Khalid ibn Faisal al-Majatri to seize the moment and capitalise on perceptions that the party was in disarray. While Sajjadi managed to secure leadership and run in the election, they say it was a vital opening for the Restorationists to pursue an impossible dream— that the RCP would lose its monolithic control over the political landscape.

Khalid, in his victory speech, acknowledged Sajjadi’s brief tenure and commended his service to the nation. For many in the audience, the tone was more reminiscent of a routine handover of power in a multi-party democracy than the historic dismantling of a one-party state. It was a gesture that seemed to suggest the Restorationists would take a more moderate path than initially expected.

What Comes Next?

As the fireworks began to fade and the streets of Takhghisi swelled with joy and disbelief, conversations turned inevitably to the future. Despite the sweeping nature of their victory, the Majatran Crown Restorationists are expected to govern with restraint—at least for now. Party insiders have hinted that the Jirga will remain intact as the preeminent body, and at its current size of 750 seats, despite some speculation that the Restorationists might reduce the number of representatives to cut off resources to the communists.

The nation will continue to be known as the Da Sahil Demokratik Jumhoriat, at least officially. But changes are on the horizon. The Revolutionary Council, long intertwined with the power structures of the RCP, is however, expected to be among the first institutions abolished under the new government. Still, there is no rush to institute a full monarchy, with sources close to the Emir suggesting that the Restorationists are preparing for another mandate before implementing any larger governance changes.

For some in the Majatran nationalist camp, this might be a disappointment. The more radical elements had envisioned a sweeping overhaul of Solentia’s institutions—a return to a fully monarchic order. But for now, it seems, the Restorationists are playing the long game. “The Emir has no interest in abrupt chaos,” one aide remarked. “We’ll bring the nation to our side gradually, and with dignity.”

As your correspondent walked back through the streets of Takhghisi, past the vendors selling freshly baked flatbreads and children running through the crowds with sparklers in hand, there was a palpable sense that Solentia had changed. The reign of the Revolutionary Communist Party had ended not with a revolution, but with an election. The Majatran Crown Restorationists, once a fringe movement, had taken the helm. How long they would hold it—and what they would do with it—remained uncertain.

[axolyte]

Al-Takhghisi (Blogpost)

October 5549 | 'Al-Takhghisi Blog: The Shadows of Restoration' - October 5549

As Solentia emerges from a long period of Communist rule, the victorious Majatran Crown Restorationists are wasting no time in reshaping the nation’s cultural landscape. A new bill, the Restoration of Royal Monuments Act (Purge of Symbols of Communist Repression), is before the Jirga.

Its purpose is as stark as its name suggests: the removal of every statue, monument, and public symbol glorifying the now-deposed Revolutionary Communist Party.

In their place, the Restorationists seek to honour Solentia’s pre-Communist past, resurrecting the memory of the monarchies of yore that once defined the nation. The bill, which is almost certain to pass with the Restorationists commanding an overwhelming majority, signals the beginning of a larger project—one that may very well culminate in the full re-establishment of the monarchy.

But the mood in Takhghisi is uncertain. For many, the act feels like more than just an effort to reclaim the past. The removal of Communist symbols is being portrayed as a necessary purge, a “cleansing” of the nation’s soul. The air is heavy with the knowledge that these symbolic changes might foreshadow much deeper, structural shifts. Emir Khalid ibn Faisal al-Majatri may not yet have his own statues—in fact, MCR officials including the new Minister for Education and Culture Malik ibn Farid al-Hakimi say none will be erected—but his influence is growing.

The Restoration of Royal Monuments Act paints a picture of what is to come: the erasure of one legacy to make way for another, in a land still unsure of what future lies ahead.

http://classic.particracy.net/viewbill. ... lid=707418

[Auditorii]

Aam Khalk
"The Masses" is the largest Dudmani language publication dedicated to the people of Solentia.
June 5549 |People's Revolutionary Guard Corps refuses to recognize new government.

Takhghisi Commander of the People's Revolutionary Guard Corps, General Sayel Hafiz Khel, announced that he would not bow to the cultural usurper in Tahkghisi and would begin an insurgency against the new government. "We do not recognize another minority government in our country. Our nations history has been filed with the rape of our culture and the abuse of foreigners. We follow Akim's will and we will bring death to the usurpers." The People's Revolutionary Guard Corps, which was bolstered by Deltarian and Trigunian training as well as arms and armor, remain the most well outfitted military force in the country. The PRGC is spread throughout the country and maintains an impressive special forces formation, the Helem Force, that engaged in heavy fighting throughout the outbreak of the Ahmadi State in Solentia during the Jakanian Civil War as well as one of the only ground formations that actively engaged in fighting. While the announcement happened shortly after the election, the PRGC has not acted on their threats yet and have not launched any attacks on the new government. Political analyst suspect that the majority of the attacks will be focused in northern Solentia, largely in Nukeyeh where the Majatran population is at its largest.

When the news broke and General Khel announced he would begin an insurgency, the Ahmadi Workers Party (formerly the Revolutionary Communist Party), condemned the move and General Secretary Wali Sajjadi stated that "...democracy must be upheld in the highest order." The Revolutionary Communist Party morphed into the Ahmadi Workers Party, where Sajjadi and the new Central Committee have placed a greater emphasis on the development of Ahmadism within the party and have suggested that the failure on the Revolutionary Communist Party was squarely on their failure to follow the Will of Akim and respecting Nmus, or Ahmadi law.

[axolyte]

Al-Takhghisi (Blogpost)

October 5549 | 'Al-Takhghisi Blog: Insurgency Crushed

The People’s Revolutionary Guard Corps (PRGC), led by the self-proclaimed "General" Sayel Hafiz Khel, who once boasted of bringing death to the “cultural usurpers” in Takhghisi, has been decisively defeated.

Khel’s threat to launch an insurgency against the newly-elected government of the Majatran Crown Restorationists (MCR) proved to be nothing more than the final gasp of a dying order.

The insurgency started just months after the Restorationists overwhelming election victory in April, but it was swiftly crushed by the nation’s armed forces. Until recently under the control of the RCP, the Solentian military has shown overwhelming loyalty to the new government.

The suppression operations, carried out with devastating precision, have scattered the remnants of the PRGC, with the bulk of its members either captured or fleeing across the border. Despite their formidable reputation, Restorationist sources expressed both surprise and satisfaction at how effectively the Solentian military was able to neutralise the elite Helem Force in such a short time.

Defence Minister Zayd ibn Harith al-Muqaddam of the Restorationists was quick to declare the insurgency a failure. “This is the final death knell for those who refuse to recognise the will of the Solentian people,” he said in a public address. “Khel and his followers have shown their true colours—they are traitors to the nation, clinging to a failed ideology that no longer has any place here.”

Sources close to the MCR believe that the Restoration of Royal Monuments Act (Purge of Symbols of Communist Repression), introduced to the Jirga in May, played a significant role in provoking the insurgency. The act, to authorise the remova all statues and public symbols commemorating the Communist regime, was seen as a symbolic move to assert the dominance of the new government. “The leftists realised just how powerless they had become,” one insider commented. “Their last hope was insurgency—and it failed spectacularly.”

With the collapse of the PRGC, the RCP, and the Ahmadi Workers Party, analysts are now declaring the political and military influence of the communists all but extinguished. The remnants of those factions have fled across the border, effectively conceding that their time in Solentian politics has come to an end.

In the wake of the PRGC’s defeat, the President Khalid and the Restorationists have announced further plans to consolidate their power. As part of the final purge of the insurgents and their political affiliates, the government intends to dissolve the Jirga and hold fresh elections. This move is seen as an opportunity to cement the Restorationists’ control and to further distance the country from its Communist past.

[ReformedEndralon]

https://forum.prtcy.com/thread-49.html