Liore

[ChitinKal]

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Economy Today
President Biobaku Signs Nuclear Weapons Sanction Act August 5097

Reciprocal Trade with Nuclearized Nations to Slow as Result of Newly Passed Bill

The Baraza and Mtukano have, almost unanimously in both bodies, passed a bill that would implement economic and diplomatic sanctions against nuclear powers. The Nuclear Weapons Sanctions Act, drafted by the senior Diwani of Darobi Elewisa Soyinka, implements a general tariff on all imports from states possessing nuclear weaponry and forbids the export of military goods and certain raw and processed materials necessary in the production of nuclear and conventional weapons. The bill, however, does not apply to nations which have begun the process of nuclear disarmament and will not apply to the import or export of human necessities, such as food, water, medical supplies, etc. Additionally, the bill will prohibit the governments of nuclear states from owning property in the KU and shares of Kitembo corporations, while drastically limiting the ability of private actors from such nations from buying shares in Kitembo corporations. Diplomatically, the bill requires denuclearization as a requirement for any bilateral agreements signed between the KU and nuclear states.

Most analysts view this bill as a response to recent efforts by Yingdala to repair and expand their decrepit nuclear arsenal, which analysts have interpreted as Yingdala attempting to reassert itself as a significant power on the world stage. President Kanu Biobaku, however, rejects this claim, stating that the object of the bill is to disassociate the KU from "immoral, genocidal" actors than to punish Yingdala specifically. With Vascania's recent efforts at denuclearization, Yingdala will be the only nation affected by the passage of the Nuclear Weapons Sanctions Act.

KU Dovani Development Office Earmarks Funds for New Verham Reconstruction October 5097

With the apparent victory of General Negtgegch Mönkhdevshil in New Verham and the apparent end to the conflict in the Dovani Pact member state, the time has come for the New Verhamese people, and the Dovani and international communities along with them, to begin the process of reconstruction from the ruins that have been left by war. As the provisional government in New Verham prepares for its own revitalization campaign and the Dovani Pact continues its humanitarian efforts in the nation, policymakers in Kitemjiji are preparing their own efforts to help assist the reconstruction of New Verham. The Dovani Development Office, a subsidiary bureau to the Trade and Economics Ministry, as approved the allocation of 50% of its funds to grants for the reconstruction of the war-torn nation. These grants will be disbursed to a number of public and private actors in New Verham, with most being sent to the provisional government to be used in the clearing of debris and ruins, and the reconstruction of infrastructure and residences. The rest will largely be sent to economic actors in New Verham, including state-owned industries and private domestic corporations. The grants will be disbursed in their current state for the next three years, unless a change is deemed necessary by the Dovani Development Office, and after which the grant program will be altered to promote economic and industrial development. The KU currently is the first and only state to send reconstruction grants to New Verham, but reportedly Kitembo diplomats in other Dovani Pact states and major economic powers have urged an international effort to help rebuild New Verham.

[ChitinKal]

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Foreign Policy Review
Interview: President Madaki 'Alarmed' by Suyu Llaqta Situation July 5115

President Neema Madaki has Previously Personally Spoken out Against Sanctions at the Dovani Assembly

KU Dovani policy has come to controversy, both within domestic circles and in the Dovani Pact. Following a coup that put into power a military junta and a monarchist regime, DP member states such as New Verham and domestic actors within the KU have called for action to diplomatically and economically sanction the regime in Niederung. However, the KU has taken a decidedly non-interventionist approach, arguing that it is not within the scope of the DP to punish states for their regime types and that alienating Suyu Llaqta would push them closer to western powers. Some analysts have also argued that the KU policy remains influenced by the 4868 Darobi Declaration, issued by Liori President Thimba Hami, which proclaims and Liore (and now, by extension, the Kitembo Union) would defend countries with major Kitembo populations like Istapali and Suyu Llaqta. But since the KU has thrown in with the anti-interventionist crowd, several alarming actions have been taken by Suyu Llaqta, including legalization of the death penalty and a ratcheting up of tensions with neighboring Istapali, which, in the view of Kitemjiji, is a fellow Kitembo nation. We invited President Neema Madaki to speak on and clarify the government's positions on Suyu Llaqta, and other topical foreign policy points.

(Interviewer) I(manif) U(ba): "Thank you for joining us, Mrs. President."

(President) N(eema) M(adaki): "Thank you for having me, it's always a pleasure."

IU: "President, let's begin with the elephant in the room. While Representative Iweala was delivering her address to the Dovani Assembly, the government of Suyu Llaqta simultaneously announced that it had decided to legalize the death penalty for capital crimes. More recently, Niederung has made weakly-backed claims that Istapali has inhibited the maritime rights of Suyu Llaqta and has encroached upon its coastal territory, and has since made demands to the Istapalian government and increased troop presence on the border. Given these recent developments, has the government's opinion on the current crisis changed?"

NM: "Well yes, recent developments have made the government increasingly concerned. We see the death penalty as a backward practice and one the overreaches the boundaries in the relationship between citizen and state. Especially in cases such as this where regime change has occurred and repression remains one of the tools on the table to stabilize the new regime, the situation must be monitored and restraint stressed.

We are more concerned with the escalation of tensions with Istapali. As you have said, these accusations are weakly-backed and, as far as we can ascertain, are limited in their truth if not outrightly false. Despite this, Niederung is doubling-down on its claims and seems to be committed to escalating the crisis. The increase of troop presence on the border and remarks by the Defense Minister Faarsi serve only to make the situation more concerning and more dangerous. With this lining up with the failure of the new regime to successfully address the economic crisis, we can guess that Llaqtese motivations lie more with winning legitimacy in the eyes of its public by overcoming some crisis or struggle. Our eyes remain glued to this crisis."

IU: "But what action is the government looking to take? Have sanctions and the New Verhamese DP resolution been reconsidered?"

NM: "We are still not convinced by sanctions at the current moment. Tensions have not escalated past a point of no return and we are apprehensive to punish Dovani states without overwhelmingly good reason. Sanctions were initially justified due to the nature of new regime and how it came to power, but we cannot support sanctions against states which don't conform to our view of domestic politics. That is the foreign policy of the west, of IR liberals, and of imperialists, and the DP was made precisely counter that style of foreign policy. What is more concerning is the escalating tension with Istapali, but we are confident diplomacy can ease this crisis. We have been in touch with the Istapalian and Llaqtese foreign ministries, as well as those from DP states, as we are trying to organize discussions here in Kitemjiji. Hopefully, these efforts will yield fruit, and we'll announce immediately if Istapali and Suyu Llaqta agree to participate."

IU: "If I understand correctly, you stated that these sanctions represent a "foreign policy of the west, of IR liberals, and of imperialists." Are you accusing the government of New Verham of engaging in imperialist foreign policy?"

NM: "Not at all, not at all. We trust New Verham has nothing but good intentions and only wants democratic rule for the Llaqtese people, but the road to hell is paved with good intentions. If the DP is reinterpreted to being a regional regulator and policeman with the authority and responsibility to intervene in domestic politics and encourage regime change, than we both become exactly what this organization was created to combat and open the door for liberal imperialism developing in Dovani. I'll say it now, it's none of our business nor is it any of Yamabiro's business who rules in Niederung. What is our business is when states aggress one another or commit gross crimes against humanity against its population, and, so far, Suyu Llaqta has done neither."

IU: "Finally, New Verham has recently proposed the creation of a Dovani Pact Inter-Alliance Trade and Development Organization. We have heard little from Kitemjiji about the KU's position on the resolution nor has Representative Iweala made any comment. What is the government's position on this resolution, and when does the KU plan to vote?"

NM: "Currently, we are in talks with other members of the DP and with New Verham, as we are seeking some clarification on the language of the resolution. Overall, we are supportive of the resolution and greater economic cooperation between DP member states, but we are not keen to totally rule out the right of circumstantial trade barriers to protect less well-off member states. Free trade, in general between equal economies, we see as an unequivocal good, but free trade between stronger and smaller economies can often result in uneven gain for the already strong economy and exploitation of the smaller economy. Some of the language in article 3 is concerning to us, so we are seeking clarification and, in case it is necessary, amendment to ensure protection for smaller economies."

IU: "Thank you again, Mrs. President, Mjumbe is always proud to have such admirable officials on."

NM: "The pleasure is all mine, transparency and openness with the media is always a point of pride for myself as well."

[ChitinKal]

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Foreign Policy Review
KU Gov. Expels Llaqtese Diplomats, Approves Sanctions August 5115

Kitembo Troops have been Mobilized Following the Llaqtese Invasion of Istapali

Escalations between Suyu Llaqta and Istapali have boiled over, war engulfs eastern Dovani. Following a failure between the two Dovanian states to negotiate out of conflict, Suyu Llaqta has launched an invasion of its western neighbor, sending a combined arms force of 360,000 troops, thousands of ground armored vehicles, and, with little success, its air force. In the years since the seizure of power by the current monarchist government in Niederung, the KU has argued against sanctioning and alienating Suyu Llaqta, hoping to reintegrate the state into the Dovanian community. However, the KU, evidently, can no longer maintain this position, and has quickly turned against the Niederung regime following aggression in Istapali. "We are utterly disappointed and disgusted by the actions of Suyu Llaqta," stated President Madaki in a press conference held earlier this week, "we have tried to give Suyu Llaqta opportunity after opportunity to reintegrate into the Dovanian community following its domestic crisis, but they have chosen the route of jingoism and imperial politics. The KU will end its policy of seeking cooperation with Suyu Llaqta for the time being, aggressive expansionist states are no allies of ours. We have prepared and will implement a comprehensive response to this invasion, and continue to work with Istapali and the Dovani Pact to pursue additional policy."

As a part of this initial response package, Kitemjiji has cut diplomatic ties with Niederung, closing all embassies and consulates in Suyu Llaqta and withdrawing all diplomatic personnel from the country. Kitemjiji has also given Niederung a one-week notice to mirror this action before Llaqtese diplomats would be expelled. A package of economic sanctions has also been approved, effectively cutting trade of all non-essential goods (food, medical equipment, pharmaceutical, etc. trade will remain unhindered) with Suyu Llaqta and has changed its vote to support Dovani Assembly Resolution 04, which would implement DP-wide sanctions against Suyu Llaqta, putting the Resolution on track to pass comfortably. An extensive humanitarian aid program has been approved, with the KU committing to take in all Istapalian refugees and sending hundreds of millions KIY worth of essential supplies to Istapalian civilians affected by the invasion. The KU will also send medical volunteers to Istapalian conflict zones, offering domestic doctors doubled salaries while providing aid in Istapali.

The Kitembo Armed Forces have been mobilized and troops have been dispatched to the Istapalian border. The air force is now regularly flying over KU airspace, with some reports of wings crossing into Istapalian airspace for brief amounts of time. Kitembo fleets in the Red Bass have also been sent on patrols close to Istapalian and Llaqtese waters. There have been no reports of Kitembo forces engaging with other militaries. When probed on Kitembo mobilization, Defense Minister Gen. Idi Kalu stated that "the KU has not committed to militarily intervening in Istapali and all maneuvers remain entirely defensive for the time being. The Foreign Ministry remains closely in touch with its Istapalian and DP counterparts and continues to discuss means of Kitembo assistance, but military intervention is not currently on the table."

[ChitinKal]

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Foreign Policy Review
Kitembo Airforce to Enforce No-Fly Zone over Southern Istapali January 5116

Fresh Kitembo Unionfighters to see Action in 'Proving Skies' Above Istapali Conflict Zone

Following reports that occupying Llaqtese forces have begun to commit crimes against humanity in Istapali, rounding up and executing en masse Istapalian civilians suspected of resisting occupation, the Kitembo government has come out with a new set of actions escalating its presence in the Istapali war. Chief among these is the establishment of a no-fly zone over Southern Istapali, where a majority of the fighting has occurred, enforced by the Kitembo Airforce. Under this, all unapproved Llaqtese aircraft will be barred from entering the airspace of Southern Istapali, with Llaqtese military craft under threat of immediate engagement by Kitembo pilots. The KU will implement the no-fly zone with the consent and cooperation of the Istapalian government, which will also commit aircraft to its enforcement.

The implementation of the no-fly zone sets a new height for Kitembo intervention into the conflict, with the KU effectively committing troops to participate in direct combat in the case of Llaqtese violation of the zone. However, the Llaqtese airforce has been decimated by the war and thoroughly reduced from the continental power it was upon the beginning of the conflict. Meanwhile, the Kitembo Airforce is among the largest in Dovani and one of noteworthy strength globally, and most of its fleet power has been diverted north and east to assist in the operation.

Additionally, two of the KU's three Red Bass fleets have been committed to defending trade and shipping lanes in the region, with Nibogora Fleet committed to defending the Istapalian coast and shipping and Kuga Fleet being dispatched to defend shipping lanes around the Sovereign Sea. This, however, is seen primarily as a show of strength rather than a purely practical move, as the Llaqtese navy is pitiful and poses no substantial threat to most of its neighbors.

KU Foreign Ministry Invites New Llaqtese King to Peace Negotiations March 5116
With the death of King Daraara of Suyu Llaqta and the coronation of his young, liberal son, many have gained a feeling of hope that the new monarch would be open to negotiating an end to the war in Istapali. With this sense, President Madaki has authorized the Foreign Ministry to extend invitations to the governments of Suyu Llaqta and Istapali accept a provisional ceasefire and attend peace negotiations in Kitemjiji. Istapali has already indicated it would be open to sending a delegation, however reports indicate that Niederung is yet to issue a response. Though President Madaki and Foreign Minister Orubo are both, reportedly, optimistic about the invitation, many analysts who have been studying the government in Niederung are not. Dr. Jail Saro-Wiwa, a professor of political science at the Ndidi Afolayan Academy of Politics, is among these analysts. "Suyu Llaqta may be a monarchy on paper, but in actuality King Baati holds no real power," states Saro-Wiwa "the military regime remains firmly in charge, and the changing of one monarch to another will have little affect on policy... the junta's goals remain the same, its means remains the same, and its resolve remains the same. The only change is the name on the rubber stamp."

Bomb Detonated in Kitemjiji, Llaqtese National Apprehended May 5116
A large bomb was detonated outside of the Istapalian Embassy in Kitemjiji, killing six Istapalian and Kitembo diplomatic personnel and nineteen civilians while wounding dozens of others. The bomb, a van containing crop fertilizer and other common explosive chemicals, had been parked outside the embassy and detonated minutes after by the driver after shouting frantically about the criminality of the Kitembo Union. The driver proceeded to draw a handgun and begin shooting at embassy personnel after detonating the bomb, but was thankfully apprehended by brave citizens before he could hit any of his targets. The driver, who has not been named by police, has been confirmed to be a Llaqtese national working in Bakundu-Naranpa and have identified his motive as being political terrorism in opposition to the KU's intervention in the Istapali conflict.

Though authorities believe this was a lone-wolf attack, martial law has been temporarily declared in Kitemjiji and surrounding areas, while nearby Bakundu-Naranpa has been placed on a high security alert. All travel into and out of Kitemjiji has been prohibited while police concludes its investigation of the bombing, effectively quarantining the capital.

[ChitinKal]

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Foreign Policy Review
Suyu Llaqta, Istapali Agree to Peace Accords in Yamabiro August 5117

Llaqtese and Istapalian Delegates Agreed to Official Peace Accords at the Dovani Pact Headquarters in Yamabiro

In January, Llaqtese King Baati, in line with the predictions of optimistic analysts, chose to withdraw Suyu Llaqta from its invasion of Istapali and agreed to a ceasefire, removing and arresting junta leaders and ending the bloody year-and-a-half war. The war has seen the deaths of hundreds of thousands of civilians and combat personnel alike, war crimes and crimes against humanity, and the utter collapse of Llaqtese society and state. With guns lowered for the past several months, Llaqtese and Istapalian diplomats have been discussing a formal end to the conflict and a set of peace accords in the Kitembo city of Yamabiro, with the Kitembo Union and Dovani Pact moderating the peace process. In discussions in the Dovani Assembly and, reportedly, private negotiations in the backrooms of the Dovani Pact headquarters and the Liori President's residence, delegates were able to come to an agreement on the official end of the conflict.

In these accords, Suyu Llaqta and Istapali agreed to return to territorial and maritime borders pre bellum and to renounce any claim to one another's land or sea area. Recognizing the accusations of maritime rights infringements that were used to initially justify the war, both countries, in addition to renouncing claims to each other's maritime area, agreed to respect each state's sovereignty over its waters and the rights outlined by the World Congress and the Law of the Sea. Suyu Llaqta will also be required to pay war reparations to Istapali for its sole role in instigating the conflict, with the country being required to pay 2% of its annual GDP yearly to Istapali for twenty years. The Llaqtese government will also turn over custody of accused war criminals, including former Prime Minister Irbuu Demiksa, to the Tribunal for War Crimes in the Suyu Llaqta-Istapali War (SLIW Tribunal), a tribunal overseen by the Dovani Pact. Suyu Llaqta will also commit to aid the SLIW Tribunal in its investigations and vow not to impede the work of the Tribunal.

[ChitinKal]

Economy Today
People's Assembly Passes 'Workplace Democracy Act' October 5117

State-Employed Workers are to be Given Greater Say in the Management of Public Corporations with the Establishment of Mandatory Worker Cooperatives

Returning to the socialist roots of Liore, the People's Assembly passed this past week monumental labor rights and workplace management legislation. Titled simply the Workplace Democracy Act of 5117 (WDA) is the latest in Liore's slow shift back to the left since its unification with Kurageri, seeking to give laborers greater stake in the success of and more of a say in the management process in their employing corporations. The act, authored and spearheaded by Representative Tish Buhari (UM-Pwanuu), was passed by the combined efforts of socialist Ujamaa Mpana, populist Kilamtu, environmental conservative Harambee, and breakaways from other parties and groups. The liberal Modern Party has showed the stiffest opposition to WDA, with twenty-seven of its thirty-one representatives in the PA voting against, largely arguing that moving further away from capitalist liberalism and the free market will hurt the Liori and Kitembo economies, rendering them "inefficient." Among the wider public, however, the WDA has been championed, with mass demonstrations showing support for the bill before and after its passage and even some private corporate officials endorsing the bill as a step in the right direction.

But what of substance? What effective policy is established by this bill? As stated, the WDA seeks to give workers in Liore greater say over the management of their workplaces and greater stake in their success. The bill targets three separate sections of the economy: public, private, and foreign; with policies effecting each sector individually and blanket polices that effect all of the above. Of the latter, there are two most noteworthy. First, all employers in Liore will be required to grant each employee shares in corporate profit (if applicable), being required to do so after "seniority milestones," or every five years of their employment. The bill also establishes a "workers' bill of rights," which, among other things, strictly protects the right to unionization and collective bargaining, raises the minimum wage to well above the poverty line, etc.

The WDA also sets out new guidelines for the management of corporations in Liore. Publicly-owned corporations are now to be managed as worker cooperatives, with workers electing representatives from among themselves to manage worksites and corporations along with liaisons from the Liori government. Private corporations will not be required to be managed completely by workers, but will be required to reserve at least forty percent of their management boards for union representatives and/or representatives directly elected by workers. Obviously, Liore cannot mandate the management practices of foreign corporations, however the WDA does include provisions that would require foreign corporations operating in Liore and making use of Liori labor to include worker representatives in the management of worksites on Liori soil.

A glaring legal and constitutional issue has been brought out for discussion during deliberations on and, especially, now that the WDA has been passed: what of Kitembo and Kuragao corporations. Being a regional government within the Kitembo Union and subordinate to Kitembo law, many have argued that Liore would not have jurisdiction over the management of Kitembo properties and corporations or those of Kurageri either. Ardent proponents of the bill, however, argue that all properties and capital located within the borders of Liore are subject to Liori law, including those of Kitembo, Kuragao, and foreign corporation. At the very least, they argue, these corporations can be treated as part of the "foreign section," and be subject to those same regulations. Some even argue that those corporations, being sourced from the same overarching Kitembo state as Liore, are subject to the domestic sections, with state-owned corporations and worksites in particular being prime targets for transitioning to worker cooperatives. Already some opponents are threatening lawsuits against the Liori government, so likely this issue will be resolved in the courts.

[ChitinKal]

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Economy Today
Trade and Infrastructure Ministries Lay out Ambitious Three Seas Project March 5127

The Three Seas Project is set to be one of the most Ambitious (and Expensive) Infrastructure Projects Pursued by the KU

The Kitembo Union lies at the intersection of three seas: the Caltropic to the west, the Sovereign to the southwest, and the Red Bass to the east. All three of these seas have been vital areas of regional and international trade, with the Caltropic serving as the lifeblood of commerce in inner Dovani. However, while the Sovereign and Red Bass Seas are geographically connected (and as such, with trade remaining unhindered as long as the governments of Rapa Pile and Vascania do not commit themselves to inhibiting trade), the Caltropic Sea is enclosed within Dovani, separated from the Sovereign Sea in the south by the isthmus that is Midway. But overseas trade between these two seas is not completely unhindered, with the Midway Canal allowing shipping to pass between. However, the canal is the only major means of trade between the two seas, limiting the potential volume of trade between inner Dovani and other nations in the region (and globally) with no access to the Caltropic. Also, the canal falls within the authority of the Midway government, which has not only professed a foreign policy of neutrality and has not joined the Dovani Pact, but has historically opened itself to diplomacy and military cooperation with imperialist powers. Needless to say, the status of overseas international trade in inner Dovani is not to the liking of Kitemjiji or Yamabiro.

"With massive investment and hard work, regional trade can be made freer, fairer, and greater" stated Trade Minister Kichiro Ishida at a joint press conference between the Trade and Infrastructure Ministries, "a great canal between the [Caltropic, Red Bass, and Sovereign] Seas, made not of locks and dams but of rails and highways, will allow for a greater volume of, even safer, trade in the region." At this press conference, Minister Ishida and his counterpart in the Infrastructure Ministry, Mudiwa Okorie, announced an ambitious trade infrastructure project aimed at creating another artery of trade between the Caltropic Sea and global oceans, one that lies within the KU and DP. This multi-year (and, likely, multi-administration) will see the mass expansion of overland transport infrastructure (such as rail and highways, diesel refueling stations, warehouses, etc.) throughout Kurageri and southern Liore, and the expansion of trade ports along Kurageri's coastline and in the Liori cities of Nzurchanga and Kipini. Later on, the project would also see a great expansion of the Kitembo merchant marine and the creation of a vast, state-owned fleet of trucks and trains to transport goods from ports on the Red Bass and Sovereign to others on the Caltropic. While analysts doubt such a "land canal" could compete with the venerable Midway Canal, most agree that, if completed, the project would be successful in increasing the volume of international and intercontinental trade in inner Dovani, and would give the KU greater leverage in regional trade and politics.

The Three Seas Project has received tremendous multipartisan support from nationalists, socialists, liberals, populists, and Kuragao-interests throughout the Kitembo political scene. However, few have come out in opposition to the project, including radical socialists and conservatives who do not wish to see greater trade and Kitembo integration into the global economic order and radical liberals turned off by the state's imposing presence in the plan. Environmentalists and the Harambee Party have offered the strongest and most united opposition to the project, seeing the expansion of railways and highways as destructive of the largely-untouched Yrasema Jungle in southern Liore and central Kurageri. "We have been given false promises and lies again and again," states Harambee representative Dada Kamau, "you see it again and again: the government proposes some grandiose infrastructure plan to make the economy 'bigger and stronger, fairer and freer', and we are told that this plan will be the last in the series of assaults against our environment and homeland, that just one more project and we'll be done raping the countryside. Harambee sees through this guise, and we have had enough. We will not let the jungle and its inhabitants be destroyed by trade and liberals." Protests have broken out across the country, particularly in the Harambee bastions in the Utukanchi Savanna and Darobi. Interestingly, many of the protests throughout the savanna have been organized and supported by local tribal organizations and institutions as well as the Harambee Party and other environmentalist groups. Tribal groups have always been important interest groups and institutions in the region, but as of late have displayed a greater level of activity and desire for sovereignty.

[ChitinKal]

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Economy Today
Three Seas Project Procurement Ends, Construction Begins February 5129

Freight Train Routes to make up the Backbone of the Three Seas' Overland Canal

Having spent the previous two years since the announcement of the ambitious Three Seas Project finalizing plans and procuring resources and labor for the massive infrastructure project, the Ministry of Infrastructure has announced today that the construction phase of the project would begin by the end of this month, and released to the press public information material on the Ministry's plans and aims. Speaking at press conference, Infrastructure Minister Mudiwa Okorie stated:

We have finished procuring the raw and processed resources and final goods necessary to provide for the first three years of of constructing, focusing mainly on the transport aspect of the project. Purchasing agreements have been reached with several corporations, domestic and abroad, for procurement, and we have signed contracts with a few domestic construction corporations, as well as employing state employees through public entities and national service. We plan on beginning construction on rails, highways, and ports by the end of this month, which will take several years to complete, following which we will begin work on other aspects of the plan, including telecommunications and storage infrastructure and the building of trade and transport fleets.

Black Lines: major freight railway route construction/expansion
Blue Dots: major port facilities construction/expansion

The transport aspect of the plan will see the expansion of the KU's railway and highway networks on the interior of the country and ports along the coasts, with the goal of increasing potential volume of trade between the Caltropic Sea, located in the interior of Dovani, and the Sovereign and Red Bass Seas, which connect with global waters. Kurageri seems to be the primary area of investment in this plan, as its existing infrastructure falls far below the standard in Liore and will require much more attention to be brought up to par. Kurageri will receive five new or expanded freight train routes running along the southern coast and in the mountainous jungle of its northern interior. In addition, dozens of new highways will be constructed throughout Kurageri, connecting much of the country to its urban nodes of commerce, while three of its four major ports are to bee significantly modernized, and a new port constructed in the small town of Igamu, which will also serve as a railway juncture between Gemi to the west; Bunigi and Kuga to the south; and Ligembe, Bakundu-Naranpa, and Kitemjiji to the north.

While Liore seems to be receiving greater investment than Kurageri based on the number of rail and port projects it's receiving funding for (6-5 rail lines, 6-4 ports), most of the projects in Liore are minor in scale, with only three new rail lines being constructed and very few highways along the Caltropic Coast and two between Nzurchanga and Bakundu-Naranpa. In terms of funding, the constructions in Kurageri are receiving a total amount 1.5 times greater than the total in Liore. While Kuragao interest groups are obviously among those happy with this arrangement, so are many industrialists and trade analysts across the KU, viewing it as beneficial to the whole country to bring the southern peninsula up to par as a part of the Three Seas Project. Liori populists, however, have taken the opportunity to drum up support for their causes and campaigns by painting the project as "welfare for the southerners," drumming up tensions and cleavages that have existed since the formation of the KU. As on activist put it, "they are taking money from Lioris, rich or poor, to build Kurageri. That is not fair. We have worked hard to build Liore into what it is now."

Environmentalists, led by the Harambee Party, remain outspoken and uncompromising on the issue, feeling betrayed and under attack by the rest of the political spectrum. Seeking to protect the jungles on the interior of the KU (notably, the Yrasema Jungle, which spans southeastern Liore through to central Kurageri) and their diverse wildlife. As apart of the project, three freight railways and several highways will run through the Yrasema Jungle, which would result in deforestation and the expulsion of local wildlife from sizable portions of the jungle. Protests not only remain common throughout the country, but are growing in intensity in Harambee hubs like Darobi and Jarha. Tribal groups have also reaffirmed their support for Harambee in opposing the project. Additionally, several tribes have signed an open letter opposing the "destruction of one of the heartlands of Kitembo culture," citing specifically the effects it would have on the tribes and indigenous groups within the Yrasema Jungle.

KU President Asher Saro of the Kitembo Party leads a coalition government including Kitembo, Ujamaa Mpana, and Kilamtu. President Saro and his government have taken a firm stance in favor of the Three Seas Project. Meanwhile, Harambee and the Modern Party make up the opposition. The Three Seas Project has become a defining issue in Kitembo politics, and while Kitembo and Ujamaa Mpana both support the project, Kilamtu, a junior partner in the coalition, is split on the issue, with Liori populists opposing the project. Both Harambee and the liberal Modern Party are expected to gain seats in the upcoming elections, making the former a stronger center of opposition to the government and the latter a more enticing coalition partner than Kilamtu. Polling predicts President Saro will narrowly win reelection next year, with his party maintaining a plurality in the Mtukano and Harambee solidifying its second-place status. With opposition to the Saro administration coalescing around environmentalists, tribal traditionalists, and Liori populists, it is likely that, no matter the results of next year's elections, a government restructuring is coming.

[ChitinKal]

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Domestic Politics
KU President Saro Wins Narrow Reelection January 5130

Asher Saro Survives Reelection in Contentious Cycle, Winning a Second Term as KU President

The results for this year's KU elections for President and Mtukano are in: President Asher Saro has won reelection and his Kitembo Party, though losing a net number of seats, maintains its plurality in the Mtukano. Saro has won a total of 353 electoral votes, compared to his opponents Dr. Salehe Buhari (Harambee; 108 electoral votes) and Kondo Ibori (Kilamtu; 39 electoral votes). Saro managed to carry almost the entirety of the states in his native Kurageri, and also carved out a comfortable base of support along the Caltropic Coast after being endorsed by Ujamaa Mpana and the Modern Party. Buhari, the President's chief opponent, as expected, saw near-unanimous support among voters in Yrasema and in eastern Liore, and too managed to carry Msijani Mkoa in northwestern Kurageri. Kilamtu was the only other major party to run a candidate in the presidential election, after party leadership failed to come to a consensus on endorsing President Saro and maintaining its alliance with the Kitembo Party. Kondo Ibori, a representative from Nefa, won Kitamu's presidential primaries, but only managed to carry his home province of Nefa and two other provinces in northern Liore.

In the Mtukano, little has changed in terms of seat composition. The Kitembo and Harambee parties remain the largest in the chamber, followed by Kilamtu, the Modern Party, and Ujamaa Mpana; Harambee and the Modern Party were the marginal victors in the election, winning a small number of new seats each, though not enough to significantly alter the allocation of power. The Kitembo Party is once again to form a governing coalition, likely including Ujamaa Mpana by default. The only question is whether Kitembo will complete its coalition with the inclusion of Kilamtu, is current partner, or the Modern Party, which endorsed President Saro, leading him to win the electoral votes of Afolardhi. In terms of policy, the maintenance of the alliance with Kilamtu would mean a refocus of government policy away from the Three Seas Project and infrastructure expansion and more towards social policy reform and military expansion. The inclusion of the Modern Party in the coalition, however, would ironically mean a steady course of government policy and the administration's continued focus on the Three Seas Project. Analysts predict the Kitembo Party will opt for the latter route, choosing to finish its infrastructure project at the expense of continued unrest and placing other major issues on the government's backburner.

Harambee leaders and officials seem to accept their relegation, once again, to government and have pledged to stymie efforts by the government not only to continue infrastructure expansion, but also efforts to support industrialization and urbanization in the savannas and jungles. According to leaks from whistleblowers within Kilamtu, leadership in the party has been approached by Harambee in a bid to foster cooperation between the two in opposition to the Three Seas Project, though both parties have refused to comment on the leak.

Tribal groups, as a response to the election, have also upped the ante and are now calling for further devolution of power and authority from the governments in Kitemjiji, Yamabiro, and Kuga to tribal organizations and local governing bodies. Some have even gone as far to call for the creation of a new coequal nation as a member of the Kitembo Union, formed from lands seceding from Liore and Kurageri. High Chief Idi Akintola of the Imyi Kingdom, a semi-autonomous tribal body within Liore, is one such proponent of the creation of a new nation. "More and more we are convinced that our differences with the policy made by Yamabiro and Kitemjiji great and growing greater," states the High Chief, "I am convinced, now more than ever with this Three Seas trash, that devolution is necessary, and more so we need a new body within the KU, equal to Liore or Kurageri, that represents the interests of the Kitembo tribes and has sovereignty over tribal lands. Only through such circumstances can we remain peacefully as members of the Union and brothers to Liore and Kurageri. If not, the future is uncertain."

[ChitinKal]

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Economy Today
Construction Completed on Three Seas Project July 5136

Newly Constructed Railway Junction at Bakundu-Naranpa Port

Representatives of the Infrastructure Ministry announced that the main phase of the Three Seas Project, a massive infrastructure plan formulated by the administration of the previous KU President Asher Saro, has reached completion. For the past seven years, the government had been funding at ever-increasing rates the construction of a system of highways, railways, and ports connecting the Caltropic Sea with the Red Bass and Sovereign Seas, and greatly developing the transport infrastructure of Kurageri. However, various setbacks along the process had stifled the prompt completion of the infrastructure construction phase, including mass opposition by environmentalists and populists, a tribal secession movement, and the election of President Ujana Dimka in 5134. President Dimka (Kilamtu), delivering on election mandates to provide greater funding to social programs and mend the national divide, diverged from her predecessor and party comrade Asher Saro by diverting funds away from the program. Nonetheless, President Dimka refused calls to indefinitely halt infrastructure construction and saw the completion of this phase of the project, publicly commending the Infrastructure and Trade Ministries in their efforts in the plan.

With construction completed, there remains little for the Infrastructure Ministry to check and oversee before the opening of the "rail canal" to commerce, which is scheduled to begin early next month. Many economists and analysts remain uneasy about about the viability of the project, especially in its current stage of completion, arguing that despite the project increasing the potential volume of good allowed transported between the Caltropic Sea and intercontinental oceans, many actors will prefer the tried and true method of shipping through the Midway Canal and initial international use of the system will be low, and remain low unless the KU can sell the system as viable and useful to shipping. Already, the KU government has offered subsidized use of Kitembo ports and railways to trade and transport originating from other Dovani Pact member states and a select few other international partners, but experts remain skeptical.

Even more troubling to proponents of the Three Seas Project is the lack of attention from the Dimka administration. President Dimka may have seen the completion of the most important phase of the project and approved subsidization for transport through the canal originating from international partners, her detractors recognize, but she has shown no intention to complete the other main phases of the project, including the development of storage and telecommunications infrastructure and the construction of a vast Kitembo merchant marine. Some insiders within her administration have even claimed that the President plans to put the project on hold so that she can divert more funds to her reformation of the Kitembo welfare state, however these claims remain unproven. Some analysts argue that the President lacks the political will and social capital to continue the project for the time being, hoping to win reelection easily in 5138 without kicking the hornet nest of environmentalists and tribal conservatives, who have mellowed in their opposition activities since the election of President Dimka.