Liore

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Domestic Politics
Constitutional Convention Approves Slate of Amendments February 5152

Specially Appointed Representatives from the Union, Liori, and Kuragao Governments met in Kitemjiji to Vote on Constitutional Amendments

Representatives from the three major governing entities in the Kitembo Union have met to discuss a slew of propositions for constitutional amendments that have compiled over the previous decades that have gained, in recent years, greater attention by the wider public. This constitutional convention comes at the prompting of several political parties and entities, spearheaded by the Harambee, Ujamaa Mpana, and Modern parties (all three of which have been trapped in the backseat of governance, with Harambee being locked out of governing coalitions for decades and the UM and Modern being trapped in a cycle of junior partnerships).

While Harambee had taken up the banner of political decentralization for years and has made it it's prime policy at the constitutional convention, other actors have been perceived as pursuing constitutional amendments, particularly in electoral and legislative reform, for purely political reasons, hoping to do away with the presence of FPTP elections on national and Union levels and create a system that gives greater power to smaller minority parties. Even the mighty Kitembo party, which has been continuously elected the plurality party in the past several election cycles, has begun to push for reform that would likely be at the expense of its own power, as recent analyses and polls indicate an increasing disillusioning towards the KU among the population. The populist Kilamtu party has been the only major group to come out in opposition to the amendments, putting forth arguments that it would weaken the Liori and Kuragao nations' status in the KU, displaying the party's continued drift away from Pan-Kitemboism and towards Liori nationalism.

At the core of the amendments adopted at Kitemjiji is the decentralization of power away from national governments (Liore and Kurageri) and towards regions that have recently and historically called for greater sovereignty within the Union. In pursuing this, the convention replaced the system of "two nations, one Union" with "several republics, one Union," replacing the Liori and Kuragao nations with two 'National Republics' (NR) and three 'Autonomous Republics' (AR), the latter of which nominally remain apart of the former, except with much greater local powers. Both the NRs and ARs have near-sole authority over their legal codes and domestic laws and policies, with the Union government only intervening to protect recognized human and group rights. Both will also have the authority to veto any infrastructure or special projects the Union governments pursues in their territory, and are required to cooperate on projects which are approved. Legally being apart of the NRs, ARs will have a few responsibilities, including the contribution of taxes and troops to national guard units (ARs, however, cannot levy their own guard units), but will be granted special representation in NR legislatures in return.



Liore and Kurageri will become the KU's two National Republics. Nefa, a region of Liore that was annexed from and remains to be claimed by Mina, and Utukanchi na Yrasema, largely-tribal regions which have demanded autonomy after perceived government overstepping by the KU, will become two ARs within Liore. Msijani, a region similar to Utukanchi na Yrasema that has called for autonomy to protect tribal rights and environmental integrity, will become an AR within Kurageri.

The amendments also include electoral and legislative reform. The Baraza and Mtukano shall remain, however electoral districts within the Baraza will be changed from the previous provinces to the NRs and ARs, with NRs receiving three Diwanis and the ARs receiving two, for a total of twelve, Baraza power has also been drastically reduced to effectively being a rubber stamp for the Mtukano and an advisory board for the President. Representatives to the Mtukano will also now be elected in a solely proportional manner from across the entire Union, as opposed to the previous system where Liore and Kurageri would elect their own separate delegation before sending them to Kitemjiji. Membership of the Mtukano will also be decreased to 500 representatives.

The NRs and AR will form their own unicameral legislatures, with the only Union requirement being that elections be conducted in a mixed-member proportional manner, with individual electorates directly electing representatives in single-member districts on one ballot poll and vote for a party in a second ballot poll. While those representatives elected directly in the first ballot poll are directly sent to their legislature, the second poll will determine the number of representatives introduced via party list. NRs will also be required to establish a single special committee for each AR it encompasses that oversees, cooperates with, and approves all matters related to that AR. Each individual AR will be permitted to send representatives to its special committee in a manner it sees fit.

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Economy Today
Historic Legislation Opens Kitembo International Economy April 5188

In a historic turn away from protectionist trade practices, President Chui Akar signed legislation that would nearly completely open the Kitembo economy to international trade and investment. The bill, titled the 5188 Economic Freedom and Openness Package (EFOP), was drafted by Modern Party representatives initially as an act of opposition to the flagship trade bill of the Kilamtu Party being brought to a vote (and subsequently being soundly defeated), a complicated maze of general import tariffs, quotas, and regulations. However, despite beginning as a radical liberal act which would have forcibly opened all of the KU to international investment and outlawed the implementation of several types of trade barriers, the EFOP was taken by taken by internationalists within the Kitembo and Ujamaa Mpana parties and, in consultation with its MP progenitors, rewritten into a more palatable package of trade reforms.

In substance, the EFOP does much to restrict the Union and National governments from establishing trade barriers. For example, non-reciprocal tariffs have been heavily restricted across all levels of government, essentially reserving the right to implement tariffs to the national security and foreign policy apparatuses of the Union government, in consultation with the President and Mtukano. The power to enact import quotas has been almost totally revoked, with the only exception being embargoes of belligerent and hostile states as determined by the Foreign Affairs Ministry. Investment by foreign actors has also had nearly all restrictions repealed, with foreign entities now being permitted to hold shares in all Kitembo corporations, domestic corporations (in most areas of the country and in industries not deemed vital to national security) are no longer required to be majority-owned by domestic entities, and direct investment is now legal Union-wide (with the exception of agriculture and natural resources).

There have been protests to this change in policy from more than just protectionists. Several politicians from NR and AR governments have protested the bill as the Union government overstepping its power laid out by the 5152 Constitution. The stiffest opposition came from the AR Utukanchi na Yrasema, whose leaders see the opening of trade as a threat to its economic sovereignty and culture, and have threatened to challenge the bills in the court. To avoid what would undoubtably become a protracted legal battle, Union legislators instead chose to include language in the EFOP that would give the NRs and ARs a one-time opportunity to opt out the reforms upon its passage. Acting on this, the legislature of UnY voted resoundingly to opt out of the EFOP, with no other republic choosing to do so. "What we see with Utukanchi na Yrasema is the inverse of Liore's historic SEZs," states Dr. Jaali Afolayan, professor of economics at Kuga National University, "the liberals are now in national power and free trade has become law while the protectionists have been relegated to arbitrary geographic regions." When asked about if the decision by AR UnY to opt out of the reforms would have any profound negative effect on the economy, Afolayan stated "nationally, no. Utukanchi, and I say this with no ill will towards the people living there, has been and will likely remain long into the future an economically backwards and undeveloped region. Save tourism and education, there's no significant economic contribution coming from Utukanchi that would make it a target for foreign investors, and those who do take notice of the few gems that it has to offer, say its vast and untouched oil reserves, will almost certainly be scared off its strangling environmental and labor regulations, which aren't curtailed by this bill. Utukanchi will remain, for the foreseeable future at least, what it always has been: a museum for relics of bygone eras."

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Foreign Policy Review
President Akar 'Monitoring' Situation in North Dovani July 5189

Dovani watches North Dovani with bated breath. Earlier this month, the elected democratic government of the state was overthrown in a military coup, bringing to de facto power a governing junta of military officers, with ex-prime minister Kam Moon-He being put into de jure executive power, in a move analysts have described as purely meant to present a veneer of civilian governance to the world. President Chui Akar, when asked about the KU's stance on the coup in North Dovani, stated "the government is monitoring the situation with great concern, and will continue to do so before taking definitive action." While neither the President nor the Foreign Ministry have released any statements of position towards the coup or indicated any hard political or diplomatic response, the Foreign Ministry has confirmed that the KU would take certain humanitarian steps to assure the wellbeing of North Dovanian citizens and refugees. The KU has opened its doors to any and all migrants from North Dovani and has established a committee to plan and oversee the safe transport of refugees from North Dovani and neighboring states to the KU, while the Health & Welfare Ministry has begun committing resources to and organizing an aid and integration program for refugees. The Foreign Ministry has also begun organizing an aid campaign to send healthcare professionals and supplies to North Dovani to assist victims of the putsch, and has indicated it will reach out to the military government to ensure its humanitarian efforts would go unhindered.

Opinion
Dr. Zain Attah, chair of the faculty of International Relations at the Ndidi Afolayan Academy of Politics

The coup in North Dovani, while undoubtedly a horror for North Dovanians in the short term, should be seen as an opportunity for the KU and the DP. The former regime had pursued foreign policies diverging from the interests and traditions of the KU, seeking to establish a supranational grouping parallel to the DP in the form of the Dovani Council and did so in the distinctly western fashion of liberal internationalism, what we traditionally consider a part of neo imperialism, prioritizing the expansion of liberal democracy and capitalism over the development and empowerment of Dovani.

Though this military junta may be distasteful, it offers the KU and the DP the opportunity to reassert the prevalence of traditional Pan Dovanianism and bring North Dovani back into the fold through rapprochement with the new regime.

Jamal Adeoye, Mtukano representative (MP) and former ambassador to Lourenne

Dovani has been prospering in one of its most stable periods in history. The last conflict in the region occurred over a decade ago. Stability and democratic governance are the groundwork that allows for development and prosperity, and this coup and the state it puts into place undermine that. In addition to this, non democratic governments, in addition to necessarily restricting the human right to self determination, have a track record for gross abuses of human dignity, rights, and welfare. It is the duty of the international community to take a stand for the powerless and fight for their rights and prosperity.

The KU and the DP should take swift action to punish these putschists and make international circumstances demand a change in course for North Dovani.

[Rogue]

Former PM Emeka reportedly executed as military regime strengthens grip

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Foreign Policy Review
KDMS Signs Small Arms Sale with Midway January 5193

The Kitembo Defense Manufacturing Syndicate, the state-owned supplier of small arms and weapons systems for the Kitembo Armed Forces, has concluded an arms sale deal, approved and subsidized by the Union government. The deal, which aims to supply the Midwayan military with modern equipment and small arms, will sell over 200,000 AR1 rifles along with various other pieces of infantry equipment and armor (including vests, helmets, etc.) to Midway. The delivery of sold equipment will take place over the course of five years, with the first couple dozen thousand units being supplied from the KDMS's reserve supply of equipment and the rest being manufactured fresh for the sale.

After talks between the Foreign Ministers of both the KU and MIdway, the Kitembo government agreed to allow for a discount in the overall price of the sale, which it will be subsidizing with funds from the Defense Ministry. The KU also agreed to supply Midway with a further 50% of the original sale from armed forces reserves and from equipment being replaced from active use. Included in this no cost shipment of equipment are an additional thirty KDMS Faru armored personnel carriers, being replaced by new equipment in the Kitembo army, and 7500 ATL1 anti-tank RPGs, from military reserves.

Though Midway has traditional remained a strictly neutral state in global affairs and Manapo has indicated in recent year that it has no intention of deviating from this traditional role, the deal marks a warming of relations between the KU and Midway, which have historically been cool to neutral. Though there are undoubtedly those within the national security apparat who would wish to see Midway integrated into the Dovanian community as a member of the DP, realists in the Foreign Ministry are happy enough to reinforce the traditional Kitembo role as a supporter of anti-imperialist and non-aligned in the Global East, in the process building friendships in the promising states of the international periphery.

[ChitinKal]

CLASSIFIED Kitembo/Ostlandic Operations in North Dovani

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Domestic Politics
Hemorrhaging Support Unionwide, Kilamtu Party Dissolves August 5213

Over the past five election cycles, the Kilamtu Party has been losing more and more support among the general public, a result, analysts argue, of mounting scandals among party leadership and a greater polarization of Kitembo politics between die-hard socialist and committed liberal candidates. On top of its plummeting support at the ballot box, the administrative and leadership apparat of the party has also become more and more divided between so called nationalists, socialists, and regionalists, creating a situation where party members and leaders often find themselves in lockstep with the Kitembo or Ujamaa Mpana parties and at the throats of their Kilamtu comrades.

As a result of these mounting pressures, party leader and list representative from Liore Khary Jaja has announced that the leadership of Kilamtu, in a special session of the party's congress, has voted overwhelmingly to dissolve the party, with a few but determined opponents walking out of the party congress upon the announcement of the results.

Khary Jaja has served as the leader of Kilamtu for seven years, taking over after the disgraced resignation of Kobe Oyenusi, and has overseen the relegation of his party to a minor force in Kitembo politics, its representation being outnumbered by independents after the 5210 election, the first time in Kitembo politics since 4924 that independents haven't been the smallest "bloc" in the Mtukano. Jaja lost reelection to represent his district in the outer suburbs of Yamabiro in 5210, only making it back to the Mtukano in the party-list vote. Jaja has been accused of sexual misconduct by multiple women. While not acknowledging these accusations, Jaja has admitted to having an affair with his wife of 18 years. Jaja is one of many Kilamtu leaders who have been mired in scandal.

In the days following the announcement, Kilamtu's 23 representatives in the Mtukano have had to reconsider their political affiliations. While 9 former Kilamtu representative shave indicated their intention to remain independent or made no comment on their future affiliation, the rest have changed defected to the other major parties. 6 have declared for Kitembo, 5 for Ujamaa Mpana, 2 for Harambee, and 1 for Modern, bringing Mtukano totals to:

Kitembo - 170
Harambee - 104
Ujamma Mpana - 104
Modern - 85
Independent - 37

Kilamtu's single Diwani in the Baraza, the Liori regionalist Sefu Amaechi, has confirmed he won't reaffiliate and will remain an independent.

With elections approaching next January, it is expected that the dissolution of Kilamtu will be a great boon for the Kitembo and Ujamaa Mpana parties, the former being on an alarming decline in the polls while the latter is already predicted to overtake Harambee and possibly Kitembo as the largest or second largest Mtukano Party. In the Presidential election, Kitembo party incumbent Chane Okadigbo has been endorsed by former Kilamtu deputy leader Mosi Gowon, who has remained one of the few Kilamtu officials of relative popularity and without scandal. Ujamaa Mpana challenger Pili Okoye also believes he will benefit from the dissolution, arguing that the "populist peoples" who voted Kilamtu would only naturally choose to vote socialist.

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Domestic Politics
Upset in Mtukano, Okadigbo Wins Narrow Reelectioon January 5214

In an upset few pollsters have predicted, Ujamaa Mpana has claimed a plurality in the Mtukano elections, gaining a comfortable 46-seat lead over the runner-up Kitembo. To further complicated matters, the Modern Party has had its best showing in its history, claiming the third place spot in the Mtukano and nearly tying with the Kitembo juggernaut. In another historical first, Harambee has been relegated to the least represented of the major parties, trailing behind Modern by 43 seats. The party list rallying behind former Kilamtu Diwani Sefu Amaechi has claimed Mtukano seats, winning only three districts but being awarded an additional 15 seats due to its second and third rate popularity among Liori regionalists and nationalists. Independent candidates have had a particularly bad year, due in part to the retirement of several independent super-star representatives, political polarization, and the creation of a distinctly Liori party in the form of Amaechi's list.

Ujamaa Mpana - 162 (+58)
Kitembo - 116 (-54)
Modern Party - 114 (+29)
Harambee - 71 (-33)
Independents - 19 (-18)
Sefu Amaechi's List - 18 (+18)

These results show the most dramatic shift in Mtukano composition in recent times, with the previous few election cycles showing gradual and slight trends towards socialist/liberal polarization in Kitembo politics, but none would have projected such a sudden upset, even if some analysts would have predicted similar political compositions 10-20 years down the line. Some analysts have identified a growing dissatisfaction with the status quo of politics and declining economic growth rates and standard of living as a cause, with the recent shake-up of political scandal and the dissolution of Kilamtu as a spark to cause voters to reassess their choices.

In the race for the Presidency of the Union, four notable candidates ran for the office. Incumbent President Chane Okadigbo, who ran on predominantly on subsidizing and incentivizing high tech industries in the KU and taking a law-and-order approach to increasing crime rates in coastal Liore and the Kuragao capital, would trail in second place in the first round, but ultimately won a narrow victory in the second round. Pili Okoye, the Ujamaa Mpana candidate, gained a lead in the first round, being propelled to popularity by his promises of greatly increased welfare spending at the expense of mineral and agricultural subsidization and military funding, but would be overtaken in the second round by President Okadigbo. The Modern Party fielded Kato Yoichi, a young, charismatic, and energetic businessman whose gravity of personality, many analysts argue, led to his party's victories in the Mtukano. Sefu Amaechi ran both in the Presidential race and at the top of his list's Mtukano ticket. Unsurprisingly, his calls for abolishing the Autonomous Republics and cutting back on Union taxing and spending plans as well as his unapologetic Liori nationalism won him little support in Utukanchi na Yrasema and Kurageri, and his base of support was limited primarily to northern Liore and the suburbs of Yamabiro. Harambee did not field a candidate this cycle and elected instead to endorse Pili Okoye as a lesser of two evils.

First Round
Pili Okoye - 30.2%
Chane Okadigbo - 29.8%
Kato Yoichi - 26.6%
Sefu Amaechi - 10.9%
Other - 2.5%

Second Round
Chane Okadigbo - 52.6%
Pili Okoye - 47.4%

Now all that remains is the question of forming a government, and no party seems to have an easy route of cobbling together a stable coalition. Looking purely at seats, Ujamaa Mpana could easily form a two-party government with one of either Kitembo or the Modern Party, but Ujamaa Mpana leaders have virulently denied any possibility of them forming a coalition with the liberal Modern Party, and still much bad blood from the election cycle exists between the socialists and Kitembo. Kitembo seems to have the best routes to forming a government, as though relations with Ujamaa Mpana and Harambee have cooled and parts of their support base have become more and more opposed to conceding liberal policy to the Modern Party, none in Kitembo leadership have ruled out any other party for cooperation, and, to our knowledge, Kitembo is not on any sort of "blacklist" of the other parties.

Analysts predict the two most likely governments would be a Ujamaa Mpana/Kitembo focused on supporting high tech industries and implementing much-needed and demanded healthcare reform, or a Kitembo/Modern Party/Sefu Amaechi's List focused on bringing a heavy hand on rising crime rates, economic stimulation in the Caltropic Coast, and defunding of Union welfare programs. Analysts argue that the inclusion of Sefu Amaechi in a government would be political suicide, so one must imagine that Kitembo is giving heavy priority to negotiations with Ujamaa Mpana. In either case, reigning Kitembo Mtukano leader Bahati Okeke has reason to believe that she will once again be selected as Premier at the head of a Kitembo-led government.

Harambee has vocally denounced the liberal economics of the Modern Party, so any government including these two parties is highly unlikely.

President Okadigbo, in his reconciling victory speech, congratulated Pili Okoye on his performance in the election and indicated an openness to reaching out to Ujamaa Mpana in governing, but has warned that he will not concede on any of the policy he has ran on. Premier Okeke, on the other hand, has remained cold in her interactions with Ujamaa Mpana, likely bitter over her lost plurality and fearful over surrendering her Premiership to socialist leader Jiona Soyinka. Okeke's policies, largely formulated by her career as a business official in Kuga, is decidedly more liberal than the economic populism espoused by President Okadigbo, himself coming from humble roots in Vitafu.

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Domestic Politics
Kitembo/Ujamaa Mpana Government Formed February 5214

The Mtukano voted today to approve a coalition government between the plurality Ujamaa Mpana and President Okadigbo's Kitembo, to be led by incumbent Premier Bahati Okeke. Negotiations were reportedly tough, with Premier Okeke having to cede much policy ground to the larger Ujamaa Mpana in order to convince them to cooperate with her increasingly liberal party and allow her to maintain the Premiership.

Despite Kitembo managing to narrowly maintain its party's position as head of government, one cannot assume that it has taken the senior partnership in the coalition government. Several high profile cabinet portfolios have been assigned to influential and radical members of Ujamaa Mpana, with the party occupying both the Foreign and Defense Ministries, with failed Presidential candidate Pili Okoye receiving the former. The open and committed Metzist professor, Dr. Jumah Egwu, has been named the Welfare and Health Minister.

Though Kitembo and Premier Okeke have refused to budge on their commitment to free trade, Okeke has committed to support Ujamaa Mpana's flagship healthcare reform package in within two years of the government's formation, legislation which would see a heavy Union funding shift away from the military, foreign aid, and mineral extraction investment. Okeke has also agreed to support pro trade union legislation and repeal a number of restrictions previous governments have placed on worker strikes and collective bargaining.

In return, Ujamaa Mpana has agreed to support Kitembo's touted investment scheme to support high tech industries in the KU, particularly those start-ups which have formed along the Caltropic Coast and in Afolardhi.

President Okadigbo has "enthusiastically endorsed," according to his press relations team, the Mtukano coalition and its stated goals. Reportedly, the President put heavy pressure on Premier Okeke and Ujamaa Mpana leader Jimoh Bankole to pursue a K/UM government.

Opposition parties, reportedly, are not surprised by this government's formation. Modern Party's Kato Yoichi has told the press, "though I'm disappointed to see the socialists enter the government, it's not surprising. Any other coalition would have had no path to victory. We, however, are confident that Kitembo and my dear friend [Premier] Bahati [Okeke] won't cede too much ground to the socialists."

Harambee has endorsed the coalition, stating its confidence that Ujamaa Mpana will "work to counterbalance the destructive economic liberalism pursued by Kitembo and Modern" and ensure the "protection of our environment, traditions, and home."

Sefu Amaechi and his list have offered no comment on the government's formation, but some from within his group have indicated that Amaechi is not surprised and is prepared "to enter into the fierce but loyal opposition."

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Domestic Politics
Mtukano Delivers Healthcare Reform Package December 5214

The Mtukano passed today, overwhelmingly, the Bello-Igbinedion Healthcare Stimulation and Reform Package (HSRP), and landmark piece of legislation touted by the Ujamaa Mpana to "completely and positively reform the Kitembo healthcare system." In substance, the HSRP established a Unionwide national healthcare system, nationalizing dozens of private hospitals and clinics and centralizing them under the Kitembo Medical and Health Service (KMHS), with smaller divisional headquarters overseeing operations in each National and Autonomous Republic. While healthcare in Liore, Nefa, and Utukanchi na Yrasema had already been fully nationalized in republic-level health services (a remnant of Liore's long-gone socialist era), health services in Kurageri and Msijani had remained to a significant extent in the private sector. The KMHS will be fully funded by the Union government, with the Republics being required to allocate portions of their budgets to the activities of the republic-level health services.

Under the HSRP, all Kitembo citizens are guaranteed access to life-saving surgeries and services, and are allowed up to three routine check-ups per year. Non-citizens residing within the KU are also granted full or partial coverage, based on their financial circumstances, nature of their service requirements, and role while residing within the KU.

The bill does not bring the healthcare industry fully into the public sector and a number of facilities and corporations have not been nationalized. Once in effect, the bill leaves room for many elective and cosmetic clinics to remain in the public sector and does not provide coverage for these services. The bill also permits healthcare start-ups to establish facilities in the KU and compete on the market with the KMHS, provided it meets a strict set of standards.

The bill also sets a minimum Union budget expenditure for the Welfare and Health Ministry at 25%, with lawmakers indicating they'll be pursuing a budget allocation of at least 33% in January. Discretionary funds from the Welfare and Health Ministry and the wider budget for 5214 have also been earmarked for use in investing in current health infrastructure and bringing many of the recently-nationalized facilities up to standard. The HSRP also seeks to expand healthcare services into areas severely lacking in infrastructure and coverage, mainly the Autonomous Republics and the Caltropic Highlands of Liore.

The bill passed 355-142 with 3 abstentions. Only Sefu Amaechi's list had a unanimous position on the bill, with all 18 representatives voting against the "tremendous overstep of Union authority." Ujamaa Mpana, Kitembo, and Harambee all voted in support of the legislation, Ujamaa Mpana and Harambee overwhelmingly. The Modern Party split on the issue, but a large majority of the party voted against the bill. "This is a rare time where I find myself in agreement with Sefu [Amaechi]," stated party leader Kato Yoichi, "though I don't see this as an overstep of Union authority, but an overstep of state authority. In many metrics, the private sector had been handling healthcare well, there was no need to nationalize these facilities, and in the long term I predict this bill may be destructive." Kato would later go on to state "I think we could have been convinced on nationalized health insurance. Sure, that doesn't hinder with the free market while it ensures coverage to the poor. Our opposition is more to the nationalization of the healthcare industry than to ensuring coverage."

Opinion polls indicate overwhelming support for the HSRP. An Mjumbe polled over 5,000 voters from across the Union, with those showing moderate to strong support for the legislation reaching 64% while those who indicated moderate to strong opposition to the bill accounted for only 21%. Approval ratings for President Okadigbo and the K/UM government have also increased, with and aggregate of several polls showing Okadigbo reaching a 59% approval and the government 54%.

Amaechi Rally Draws in Thousands February 5215

Over the weekend, Representative and leader of an ever-radicalizing Mtukano faction Sefu Amaechi held a rally in Chitamu, bringing in an attendance reaching at least 3000 (mostly Liori) Kitembos from across the region. The rally comes mere weeks before the Mtukano is scheduled to vote on, and defeat soundly, a bill cobbled together by Amaechi and his followers that would fundamentally change the structure of power and administrative division system of the KU, abolishing the ARs and devolving more powers to Liore and Kurageri.

Once seen as a bulwark against radicalism in Kilamtu, Amaechi has been embracing more and more populist and divisive rhetoric, blaming the Union government for many of the woes facing the people living in the urban centers of Liore's Caltropic Coast, which has experienced noticeable economic and living standards decay in recent decades. Amaechi also claimed that the Union government had "undertaken a concerted effort to chain down Liore and sap her of all she has."

Though the crowd seemed to be heated and was fired up further by Amaechi's words, the rally remained mostly calm and peaceful.

Many from across the Kitembo political spectrum have come out against the "extremist and radical views," in the words of Representative Ashon Awolowo (Harambee), Amaechi espoused at his rally. Several former Kilamtu officials and lawmakers are among those who have denounced Amaechi, including former Kilamtu leader Khary Jaja, who stated "it is the likes of Amaechi who destroyed our party. Troublemakers like him inevitable cause a violent ruckus wherever they go."

Despite widespread criticism from the political sphere, Amaechi continues to build his base of support and is gaining ground in declining areas like the Caltropic Coast, where analysts suspect voters are looking for more extreme options to alleviate their declining conditions.