International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

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Re: International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

Postby Pragma » Fri Jun 19, 2020 6:36 pm

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Kayalese, The Prestige Dialect of Vascania
by Bavash Kirtthic

Language is primarily a tool of communication. This is its most basic purpose, and for many hundreds of millions throughout the world the only significant purpose in their day to day lives. For many others, however, language is a division between them and another group. Often this is an ethnic division, as in multi-ethnic nations and countries with a high immigrant population. In other cases, this division is class-based - perhaps most famously in Luthorian, where certain dialects are considered 'posh' and other are considered to be spoken by the lesser educated and the poor. In most cases however, this class-centric split has been lessened by the spreading of universal education and social media. Most of the western world no longer has splits of a particularly severe or debilitating nature, and most dialectal speech has been drawn closer to the national standard.

In Vascania, increased education standards and growing interconnectivity have allowed for clearer linguistic boundaries to be drawn. The continent was once made up of two vast dialect continuums, each with hundreds of dialects often with only a few thousand speakers. Now, the dialects consider 'standard' have displaced or integrated most of their closest relatives, leading to 13 'major' languages becoming defined - at least, in the eyes of linguists. There are still dozens of small languages, though most of their speakers understand the more common languages in their area.

Vascania's development has, therefore, led mostly to increased linguistic conformity and easier categorisation. I say mostly, because there is one glaring and unique case of economic development actually leading to increased distancing between a standard dialect and a regional one. On Kayal Island, Vascania's growth has been felt most spectacularly, leading to a class of 'new money' who reside primarily on the island. The island is now extremely wealthy, rivaling many first world nations in terms of public services and general quality of life. The property prices on the once barely inhabited island have led to communities made up of the nation's wealthiest, especially on the eastern coast - where I am writing this report. The Island has great prestige (as does its university) and the east Kayal district is stunningly lavish.

The inequality between this district and the metropolis of Kamalata, just across the Kayal Channel, has led to the two areas developing in different ways linguistically. Kayal Island speaks less and less in the Majatran-influenced standard dialect of Rajutti and more and more in their own. The Kayal dialect can be described, bluntly, as strongly-accented Rajutti with the Majatran loanwords deliberately cut out and replaced with Kalamese ones - or even ancient words that have been displaced from the regular inventory. This is distinct from the 'old money' nobility who remain on the continent. Their dialect is not a revision of the standard one, but instead has developed separately. Archaic words have not been reintroduced to them; they never went away.

This attempt to parallel an existing prestige dialect has been mostly successful, and the respect it commands makes it a 'prestige dialect'. The dialect is not so much spoken in media, but more so by a certain type of Vascanian yuppie. It is based on the existing island dialect, with vocabulary chosen specifically to imitate the reserved noble class. In terms of sounds, the dialect has two major distinctions from the standard Rajutti spoken on the continent - linguistically termed: lenition and schwa-dropping.

Lenition refers to the weakening of consonants. The sounds become breathier and/or softer, such as an 'f' sound changing to a 'h' sound. This is one of the changes in the Kayal dialect. In the standard language, there are four 'stop' groups of consonants, where the airflow is fully restricted before the sound is released: those made with the lips; those made with the tongue and the teeth; those made with the front of the tongue and the top of the mouth; those made with the back of the tongue and the top of the mouth. These are subdivided into those that are 'aspirated' - with an extra bit of breathiness - and those that are not aspirated. In Kayalese, these 'aspirated' sounds have became softer. The airflow is restricted less as the sounds is released. For example, the word for 'plate' is 'taal' with a breathy 't' in most dialects. In Kayalese, it is pronounced more like an 's' sound. The same story goes for the breathy 'k', which becomes more like a 'h'.

Schwa-dropping refers to the dropping of a particular sound, called the 'schwa'. A 'schwa' is that very neutral sound in words such as telephone and haven. A kind of 'uh' sound. In Kayalese, a word pronounced like 'ash-chuh-ree' (meaning 'wonder') is pronounced more like 'ash-chree'. This makes words shorter, and allows for consonants to cluster up more so - though some schwas are maintained in words that would otherwise become unpronounceable, such as 'chuhl' (meaning 'walk'). Similarly, the dialect allows for contractions between two words.

The actual sounds of the dialect don't seem all that different from any other dialect, where words are pronounced just a little bit differently. But the specific combination of sounds is complimented by a lot of very archaic terminology. Words like 'kursi' (chair), 'nasib' (luck) and 'muaf' (forgiven) all entered the standard dialect from Majatran words - but in Kayalese, these words are replaced by the archaic terms 'asand', 'adast' and 'marsit', respectively. This is partially due to a historic perception, common among those in the far north and the very wealthy, that Ahmadis are barbaric and unworthy of emulation.

This attitude about what is worthy and unworthy of emulation has resulted in a very particular and unique dialect. The dialect has undoubtedly shored up the distinct culture that Kayal's inhabitants see it as having. To them, Kayal is an enlightened place that Vascanians can aspire to. It is a place of success and inspiration, and thus all cultural signifiers related to it are good and worthy of emulation. This extends to language. To the cynic, this is just another way of separating Vascanians among themselves - a tactic that began under colonialism and continues to this day.

The manner in which people speak is hard to direct in a particular way, but the connotations we put on each dialect is up to us. In the view of a linguist, I hope one day we come to the realisation that all dialects are valid and worthy of being recorded and respected.

A few sentences in standard Rajutti and then in Kayalese:

Luthorian: Kamalata is the capital of Vascania.
Standard: Kamalaata Vaaskaaniya kee raajadhaanee hai.
Kayalese: Kamlat Vaskaniy ki razzanye.

Luthorian: I am going to the library tomorrow.
Standard: Main kal laibreree ja raha hoon.
Kayalese: Men kal lebri ja r'un.

Luthorian: She is sitting on the chair.
Standard: Vah kursee par baithee hai.
Kayalese: V'asand par besye.

The above article for the ISSTC was written by Bavash Kirtthic, a Professor of Vascanian Linguistics at the University of East Kayal.
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Re: International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

Postby robmark0000 » Thu Aug 13, 2020 7:17 pm

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HISTORY OF ENDRALON PART I
By Péter Endre

In 400 CE (it going to be surprising, but still true) there wasn't Syldavian population in the territory of the modern Endralon. The ancestors of the Syldavians (what people in the modern times the dominant ethnicity of the country), who spoke the proto-Syldavian language, was lived in the territory of the modern Davostan, especially in the islands of Bindeborg. Then who lived in the place of them? Good question. Some of my fellow historians may debate this, but me and the majority of historians thinking that the indigenous people of the eastern part of the Northeast-Artanian Peninsula was Delic people, the ancestors of the modern Zergonese and Hugalonese. They lived in the fruitful steppes of "the North", in the southern coasts of the Unholy Sea. This is the root position of the Endralonian history.

1. Syldavian Tribes in Bindeborg (? CE - 500 CE)

The proto-Syldavian society lived in tribal systems, and had a polytheist religion, called "Fölföle", in modern Syldavian "Fölfelé" (literally "up to", like "up to the Sky"), where the main gods were Tasz, the God of Life, and Huba, the God of Death, all other gods and goddesses were the servants of these two. The Syldavian tribes was led by shamans, who quasi had executive, legislative and judicial power over the members of the tribe, however, who became a shaman, that signed his/her own death sentence right there. The shamans were selected in a demarchic system, with sortition, and the people let them rule for four to six years, then sacrificed him/her to the glory of Tasz. (They also may do this if they wasn't satisfied with the leadership of the shaman.)
The religion was the only common thing in the proto-Syldavians, and they often did wars with each other. The largest war like this was the Divine War, between the two most powerful tribes, the "Oszló Törzse" (literally the "Tribe of Oszló") led by Shaman Miklós, and the "Kupak Törzse" (literally the "Tribe of Kupak"), led by Shaman Aladár, in the middle of the 500 century CE. Based on the legends, with the help of Huba, the God of Death, the Tribe of Kupak could triumph, because Huba destroyed the capital village of the Tribe of Oszló. In reality, we think a lightning could destroy the capital village, what the proto-Syldavians recognized as a sign, and the Tribe of Oszló capitulated voluntarily, immediately.
In the end of the 500 century CE, Bindeborg was too small for the emerging population of proto-Syldavians. Some tribes fought some wars with the Nordic people of the land of the modern Davostan, but they were cannot defeat them. The situation became worse from year to year, the people was hungry and uncomfortable with the towns what became popularly larger and larger from year to year. The back then shaman of the Tribe of Kupak, who's name was Péter, the Dreamer, decided to took the lead and save his people. He modified the traditions about the sacrifice of the shamans, and united the proto-Syldavians into one, great tribe, named the Conquest Tribe, and became it "Pogány Varázsló" (literally the "Pagan Witcher") after the delete of the institution of shamans. He built ships and with 50 000 people and with more than 300 ships he left Bindeborg and started its journey on the Unholy Sea for the new home.

2. Delic Reign in Endralon (? CE - 500 CE)

The Delic people was lived in primitive communities, with the principle that the physically strongest leading and the others follow. The name of the physically strongest was usually "Vođa" (literally "Leader"), and the name of the communities were "Vođe sluge" (literally "Leader's servants"). The Delics usually fished and field-farmed; in the middle of the 500 century CE all over Endralon, except the western parts (later you'll understand). Of course, just like the proto-Syldavians, the Delics also weren't united, and they gathered in many, different Vođe sluge. The largest difference and opposition was between the Northern communities what were in the coasts of the Unholy Sea, and between the Southern communities what were in the coasts of the Artanian Sea. The Northerners were the proto-Zergonese, while the Southerners were the proto-Hugalonese, but this difference only created around the 400 century CE. However, in the middle of the 500 century CE, it leaded to a war between the two sections.
Vođa Matej (from the North) and Vođa Jelko (from the South) were also great and strong leaders, and both wanted to rule all of the primitive communities. This resulted the Delic War or Ancient Hugalonese-Zergonese War, what resulted the final separation of the Delics into proto-Hugaloneses and proto-Zergoneses. This war was won by Matej, thanks to the larger number of the Northerners and the better experienced warriors. Matej's forces invaded "Krokar Polje" (literally "Crocodile Field", Jelko's symbol was a crocodile from the plains of the coasts of the Artanian Sea) the capital town of Jelko several times, and in the final invasion Jelko was killed. But the Matej-occupation of the southerner territories wasn't lasted for long, with a quick rebellion the proto-Hugalonese people successfully defeated and chased Matej's invasion forces. After this, the age of the quick wars between the two population arrived, and "Maloselo" (literally "Little Village"), the capital town of northerners was also occupied by the proto-Hugaloneses several times.
The age of the quick wars ended, when the Syldavian Conquest Tribe's ships arrived in the Northerners territory.

3. The Mysterious West - Selucians (400 CE - 500 CE)

The territory of the modern Kundrati was colonized by the ancient Selucians, including the territory of the modern Endralonian Republican Canton Kundár-Nova Zergonska. The Selucians built two cities there, Kundr and Nova, these two were under the same administration and government, what organized based on the antique Selucian republican values. The name of the city-state were CONVENTVS POPVLVSQVE KVNDR ET NOVA (Conventus Populusque Kundr et Nova, literally "The Assembly and People of Kundr and Nova", often referred just as "the West"). It was governed as a Selucian republic, with four Praesides (Praeses, literally "President" or "Governor") as the head of the executive branch (2 for Kundr, 2 for Nova), and the Conventus (literally "Assembly") as the legislative and judicial branch, what consisted all of the free, politicizing citizens of the two cities. Minor offices, like Lictor, Praetor, Imperator etc, also existed in the West, as in any other Selucian republics.
Kundr and Nova also were found around 400 CE, by Selucians, and in the golden age Kundr had 12 000, while Nova had 8 000 citizens, and around 10 000 Delic slaves. With the typical Selucian, disciplined army they won many wars against but the Northerner and Southerner Delics, and made many of them slaves.
The proto-Zergonese weren't in real danger, but the proto-Hugaloneses were, because the nearness to the West. They called their defensive wars against the Selucians the "Zahodne vojne" (literally "the West Wars"). Though the Selucians kept the proto-Hugaloneses in fear, they cannot occupy their territories, except one time, when Praeses Brutus Titulus invaded and occupied Krokar Polje for three years. This Praeses said that "the Gods made these Barbarians slaves, and us as superiors". (Fun fact, this sentence started the hate against Hugalonese people later, this is why many fascists and national socialists seeming the Hugalonese people as lower race, and this is why the tyrant Lajta István sent the Hugalonese people into concentration camps in the Second Endralonian Civil War.)
With the arrival of the Syldavians, the West also got lessons from them and the Conquest Tribe made them always remember about the Conquest.
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Re: International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

Postby robmark0000 » Tue Nov 24, 2020 8:00 pm

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ANLUANISM - POLYTHEISTIC RELIGION IN NORTHEAST-ARTANIA
By Viridia Sigilis

Anluanism is a polytheistic Selucianistic religion, first worshipped by the unifying proto-Kundrati and Enetric peoples in the 2nd millenary BCE. Later proto-Syldavians and indigenous Delic people also effected and used the religion, the best example is the republican city-state of Kundr-Nova at the zenith of its power at 3rd century BCE. During the Hosianization of continent Artania, the religion became dead, until the rise of Revivalist movements.

Just as the Religio Seluciana (Selucian for "Religion of Selucia"), Anluanism also had three main gods, mythologically living in the mountains of the island Jildrati. Amater, the goddess of Terra, a supreme deity and creator; Poseitunus, the god of all oceans and waters; and Lukrezia, the goddess of sexuality (especially) and beauty. These three were the Di Publica, the deities of the community; the main divine figures of the creation (ground and living world), the life (the water) and the desire (sexuality). These three words also could be the password of the ancient Anluanism: be created, live and live with pleasures, so we can say that the religion was effectively Hedonist, teaching that if you are not live your life with enjoying every minutes of it, then you are not worthy to be created and you are just wasting the time of the gods.

Similarly to Hosianism, the gods' figures are less anthropomorphic, and they showed definitely as good, who wants the best for the society of the creatures, the humans. Amater creates humans to have a people that she can give prosperity and with it she can fulfill his desire to help people; Poseitunus gives water to the mortals, because he has really much redundant water in the oceans, rivers and lakes, and he wants everything to be perfect, and everything to be used; Lukrezia gives the enjoyment of having sex (and other pleasures, could be eating a good, achieving results, etc.) to the mortal humans because she thinks these pleasures are giving the essence of mortal living, and she want to fulfill it with all of her power. This 'wanting the best for humans' is the largest difference between the Religio Seluciana, where gods and goddesses are anthropomorphic and fight each other and somethimes terrorize humans, and the Anluanism, where they're the source of Hedonism. However it is still classified as a Selucianistic religion referred to Enetric origin, polytheism, similar methods and similarities of deities.

The Di Publica live in the divina montis of Jilolus, where historians found the ruins of the greatest temple the ancient Anluain civilization ever had, and this was the temple of Amater. (For example, the Praesides of the Ancient Kundr-Nova should visit this temple after the beginning of their time in office, or they weren't officially Praesides.) Minor deities and spirits, similarly to every Selucianisitic religion, also existed, many Selucian gods were respected as the same as they were respected in Majatra. Aplus, Minetia, Mamors, to mention some, but they were also granted with the power of loving their creatures. A list about important deities of the Ancient and current Anluanism (and their Selucian equivalent):

Di Publica (Di Civiles)

Amater - Goddess of Terra (Terra Mater) (OOC: Magna Mater)
Poseitunus - God of All Oceans (Neflons) (OOC: Neptunus)
Lukrezia - Goddess of Sexuality (Sol Lucidus is in the Di Civiles, with Terra Mater and Neflons, however Lukrezia has more in similar with Selucian deity Futua) (OOC: Venus)

Di Adjutor (non, just partly)

Mamors - God of War (Same) (OOC: Mars)
Minetia - Goddess of Strategy and Wisdom (Same) (OOC: Minerva)
Aplus - God of Arts and Poetry (Same) (OOC: Apollo)
Iusana - Goddess of the Moon (Iana) (OOC: Diana)
Kovacus - God of Vulcans and Blacksmithing (Non-existing there, god on proto-Syldavian and Endralonian origin, 'kovács' in Endralonian means 'blacksmith') (OOC: Vulcanus)
Penzius - God of Financial Gain (Mercuria, also proto-Syldavian and Endralonian origin, 'pénz' in Endralonian means 'money') (OOC: Mercurius)
Seliakia - Goddess of Agricultural Work (Munius, proto-Zergonese and Delic origin, 'seljak' in Zergonese means 'farmer') (OOC: Ceres)
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Re: International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

Postby beifengxiaoxiao » Sat Jun 24, 2023 1:33 pm

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The National Institute of Language in the Kingdom of Great Bae has compiled the following list of common vocabulary in the Draniano language in an effort to better document what has been a traditionally overlooked language. Contextually, the Draniano language was initially derived from the form of Egelian spoken in the 20th-22nd centuries, when Egelian settlers occupied the Dan Peninsula. The native Kyo people, some of whom interbred with the Egelian colonizers, were unable to completely master the foreign language and thus took to creating a sort of creole language. This creole began to rapidly diverge from standard Egelian beginning with the foundation of the Draniano Republic in 2049 and the accompanying rise of the Draniano culture as a unique and independent social force. Draniano has since reached the point of unintelligibility with standard Egelian, and deserves to be treated as an independent and unique language in it's own right.

Notable differences include a lack of grammatical gender, a lack of articles, and the unique conjugation of Draniano verbs.

We thus present this Sikdar List (IRL Equivalent: Swadesh List), based on the work of Raktavani anthropologist and linguist Dr. Swadesh Sikdar. Dr. Sikdar's list has since become the universal standard for the international and inter-lingual comparative shorthand.

The List is formatted as follows:
# - Luthorian - Draniano (Selucian)/Draniano (Draniano Alphabet).


(Note that the Draniano Alphabet, derived from Kyo Kyogul characters, is seldom used in the modern day.)

SIKDAR LIST OF COMMON DRANIANO VOCABULARY

1 - I - ja/ㅑ
2 - you (singular) - vude/ㅿㅜㄷㅔ
3 - he/she - je/ㅖ
4 - we - juri/ㅠㄹㅣ
5 - you (plural) - vudos/ㅿㅜㄷㅗㅅ
6 - they - jellos/ㅖㄹㅗㅅ
7 - this - iste/ㅣㅅㅌㅔ
8 - that - ise/ㅣㅅㅔ
9 - here - juqui/ㅕㅋㅟ
10 - there - jaqui/ㅑㅋㅟ
11 - who - quigu/ㅋㅟㄱㅜ
12 - what - quiga/ㅋㅟㄱㅇ
13 - where - quigi/ㅋㅟㄱㅣ
14 - when - quije/ㅋㅟㅖ
15 - how - como/ㅋㅗㅁㅗ
16 - not - ano/ㅇㄴㅗ
17 - all - modo/ㅁㅗㄷㅗ
18 - many - mano/ㅁㅇㄴㅗ
19 - some - aldon/ㅇㄹㄷㅗㄴ
20 - few - poco/ㅍㅗㅋㅗ
21 - other - otro/ㅗㅌㄹㅗ
22 - one - una/ㅜㄴㅇ
23 - two - dus/ㄷㅜㅅ
24 - three - ses/ㅅㅔㅅ
25 - four - nes/ㄴㅔㅅ
26 - five - datro/ㄷㅏㅌㄹㅗ
27 - big - grande/ㄱㄹㅇㄴㄷㅔ
28 - long - kilgo/ㅋㅣㄹㄱㅗ
29 - wide - nolbo/ㄴㅗㄹㅂㅗ
30 - thick - gruego/ㄱㄹㅞㄱㅗ
31 - heavy - muego/ㅁㅞㄱㅗ
32 - small - zhago/ㅈㅏㄱㅗ
33 - short - corto/ㄱㅗㄹㅌㅗ
34 - narrow - zhorto/ㅈㅗㄹㅌㅗ
35 - thin - flago/ㅍㄹㅇㄱㅗ
36 - woman - muje/ㅁㅜㅖ
37 - man - muja/ㅁㅜㅑ
38 - human being - zara/ㅆㅇㄹㅇ
39 - child - inio/ㅣㄴㅛ
40 - wife - mujera/ㅁㅜㅖㄹㅇ
41 - husband - mujara/ㅁㅜㅑㄹㅇ
42 - mother - mama/ㅁㅇㅁㅇ
43 - father - bapa/ㅂㅇㅃㅇ
44 - animal - zuma/ㅆㅜㅁㅇ
45 - fish - mulzuma/ㅁㅜㄹㅆㅜㅁㅇ
46 - bird - hanulse/ㅎㅇㄴㅜㄹㅅㅔ
47 - dog - jero/ㅖㄹㅗ
48 - louse - ijo/ㅣㅛ
49 - snake - bemi/ㅂㅔㅁㅣ
50 - worm - sobemi/ㅅㅗㅂㅔㅁㅣ
51 - tree - namu/ㄴㅏㅁㅜ
52 - forest - zu/ㅆㅜ
53 - stick - palo/ㅃㅏㄹㅗ
54 - fruit - kuwa/ㅋㅜㅘ
55 - seed - sila/ㅅㅣㄹㅇ
56 - leaf - hola/ㅎㅗㄹㅇ
57 - root - puri/ㅃㅜㄹㅣ
58 - tree bark - koteza/ㅋㅗㅌㅔㅆㅇ
59 - flower - hua/ㅎㅜㅇ
60 - grass - herba/ㅎㅔㄹㅂㅇ
61 - rope - cuerda/ㅋㅞㄹㄷㅇ
62 - skin - piba/ㅃㅣㅂㅇ
63 - meat - gorne/ㄱㅗㄹㄴㅔ
64 - blood - sangre/ㅅㅇㄴㄱㄹㅔ
65 - bone - bioso/ㅂㅣㅗㅅㅗ
66 - fat - grisa/ㄱㄹㅣㅅㅇ
67 - egg - huevo/ㅎㅞㅿㅗ
68 - horn - cuerno/ㅋㅞㄹㄴㅗ
69 - tail - kola/ㅋㅗㄹㅇ
70 - feather - pluma/ㅃㄹㅜㅁㅇ
71 - hair - cabezo/ㅋㅇㅂㅔㅆㅗ
72 - head - mori/ㅁㅗㄹㅣ
73 - ear - cui/ㅋㅟ
74 - eye - nun/ㄴㅜㄴ
75 - nose - ko/ㅋㅗ
76 - mouth - ip/ㅣㅃ
77 - tooth - ib/ㅣㅂ
78 - tongue (organ) - hio/ㅎㅛ
79 - fingernail - sonteza/ㅅㅗㄴㅌㅔㅆㅇ
80 - foot - para/ㅃㅏㄹㅏ
81 - leg - tara/ㅌㅇㄹㅇ
82 - knee - lodia/ㄹㅗㄷㅑ
83 - hand - son/ㅅㅗㄴ
84 - wing - ala/ㅇㄹㅇ
85 - belly - balija/ㅂㅏㄹㅣㅑ
86 - guts - trija/ㅌㄹㅣㅑ
87 - neck - moka/ㅁㅗㅋㅇ
88 - back - esbalda/ㅔㅅㅂㅇㄹㄷㅇ
89 - breast - pumo/ㅍㅜㅁㅗ
90 - heart - korazon/ㅋㅗㄹㅇㅆㅗㄴ
91 - liver - jikado/ㅒㅋㅇㄷㅗ
92 - to drink - bebeda/ㅂㅔㅂㅔㄷㅇ
93 - to eat - momoda/ㅁㅗㅁㅗㄷㅇ
94 - to bite - mordoda/ㅁㅗㄹㄷㅗㄷㅇ
95 - to suck - zhuzhuda/ㅈㅜㅈㅜㄷㅇ
96 - to spit - escuda/ㅔㅅㅋㅜㄷㅇ
97 - to vomit - tohada/ㅌㅗㅎㅇㄷㅇ
98 - to blow - bubuda/ㅂㅜㅂㅜㄷㅇ
99 - to breathe - sumsuda/ㅅㅜㅁㅅㅜㄷㅇ
100 - to laugh - usuusuda/ㅜㅅㅜㅜㅅㅜㄷㅇ
101 - to see - verda/ㅿㅔㄹㄷㅇ
102 - to hear - derda/ㄷㅔㄹㄷㅇ
103 - to know - alda/ㅇㄹㄷㅇ
104 - to think - pensada/ㅍㅔㄴㅅㅇㄷㅇ
105 - to smell - neseda/ㄴㅔㅅㅔㄷㅇ
106 - to fear - musoda/ㅁㅜㅅㅗㄷㅇ
107 - to sleep - zhazhada/ㅈㅇㅈㅇㄷㅇ
108 - to live - salada/ㅅㅇㄹㅇㄷㅇ
109 - to die - zhukada/ㅈㅜㅋㅇㄷㅇ
110 - to kill - zhukioda/ㅈㅜㅋㅛㄷㅇ
111 - to fight - zauda/ㅆㅏㅜㄷㅇ
112 - to hunt - cazada/ㅋㅏㅆㅏㄷㅇ
113 - to hit - dejida/ㄷㅔㅒㄷㅇ
114 - to cut - kalda/ㅋㅏㄹㄷㅇ
115 - to split - partida/ㅍㅇㄹㅌㅣㄷㅇ
116 - to stab - apunioda/ㅇㅃㅜㄴㅛㄷㅇ
117 - to scratch - aranada/ㅇㄹㅇㄴㅇㄷㅇ
118 - to dig - ekscavada/ㅔㅋㅅㅋㅇㅿㅇㄷㅇ
119 - to swin - najada/ㄴㅇㅑㄷㅇ
120 - to fly - volada/ㅿㅗㄹㅇㄷㅇ
121 - to walk - golda/ㄱㅗㄹㄷㅇ
122 - to come - venida/ㅿㅔㄴㅣㄷㅇ
123 - to lie (as in a bed) - yacerda/ㅑㅅㅔㄹㄷㅇ
124 - to sit - ejarseda/ㅔㅑㄹㅅㅔㄷㅇ
125 - to stand - estarda/ㅔㅅㅌㅇㄹㄷㅇ
126 - to turn (intransitive) - girarda/ㄱㅣㄹㅇㄹㄷㅇ
127 - to fall - nomojoda/ㄴㅗㅁㅗㅛㄷㅇ
128 - to give - darda/ㄷㅇㄹㄷㅇ
129 - to hold - kajoda/ㅋㅇㅛㄷㅇ
130 - to squeeze - apretarda/ㅇㅃㄹㅔㅌㅇㄹㄷㅇ
131 - to rub - bibida/ㅂㅣㅂㅣㄷㅇ
132 - to wash - taktakda/ㅌㅇㅋㅌㅇㅋㄷㅇ
133 - to wipe - limpiada/ㄹㅣㅁㅑㄷㅇ
134 - to pull - jalada/ㅑㄹㅇㄷㅇ
135 - to push - empujada/ㅔㅁㅃㅜㅑㄷㅇ
136 - to throw - alojada/ㅇㄹㅑㄷㅇ
137 - to tie - atarda/ㅇㅌㅇㄹㄷㅇ
138 - to sew - coseda/ㅋㅗㅅㅔㄷㅇ
139 - to count - contarda/ㅋㅗㄴㅌㅇㄹㄷㅇ
140 - to say - malda/ㅁㅇㄹㄷㅇ
141 - to sing - noreda/ㄴㅗㄹㅔㄷㅇ
142 - to play - nolda/ㄴㅗㄹㄷㅇ
143 - to float - flotada/ㅍㄹㅗㅌㅇㄷㅇ
144 - to flow - huroda/ㅎㅜㄹㅗㄷㅇ
145 - to freeze - ulheda/ㅜㄹㅎㅔㄷㅇ
146 - to swell - hinzharda/ㅎㅣㄴㅈㅇㄹㄷㅇ
147 - sun - bulhe/ㅂㅜㄹㅎㅔ
148 - moon - muldal/ㅁㅜㄹㄷㅇㄹ
149 - star - estreia/ㅔㅅㅌㄹㅖㅇ
150 - water - mul/ㅁㅜㄹ
151 - rain - bia/ㅂㅣㅇ
152 - river - ria/ㄹㅣㅇ
153 - lake - lago/ㄹㅇㄱㅇ
154 - sea - badar/ㅂㅇㄷㅇㄹ
155 - salt - sal/ㅅㅇㄹ
156 - stone - dol/ㄷㅗㄹ
157 - sand - jarena/ㅑㄹㅔㄴㅇ
158 - dust - polvo/ㅃㅗㄹㅿㅗ
159 - earth - tiera/ㅌㅖㄹㅇ
160 - cloud - gurom/ㄱㅜㄹㅗㅁ
161 - fog - nubela/ㄴㅜㅂㅔㄹㅇ
162 - sky - hanul/ㅎㅇㄴㅜㄹ
163 - wind - barom/ㅂㅇㄹㅗㅁ
164 - snow - niun/ㄴㅠㄴ
165 - ice - hielo/ㅎㅖㄹㅗ
166 - smoke - bulbarom/ㅂㅜㄹㅂㅇㄹㅗㅁ
167 - fire - bul/ㅂㅜㄹ
168 - ash - cenzhia/ㅅㅔㄴㅈㅑ
169 - to burn - quemarda/ㅋㅞㅁㅇㄹㄷㅇ
170 - road - kil/ㅋㅣㄹ
171 - mountain - orom/ㅗㄹㅗㅁ
172 - red - rojo/ㄹㅗㅛ
173 - green - verde/ㅿㅔㄹㄷㅔ
174 - yellow - amario/ㅇㅁㅇㄹㅛ
175 - white - beco/ㅂㅔㅋㅗ
176 - black - nigro/ㄴㅣㄱㄹㅗ
177 - night - bam/ㅂㅇㅁ
178 - day - nal/ㄴㅇㄹ
179 - year - anio/ㅇㄴㅛ
180 - warm - caliente/ㅋㅇㄹㅖㄴㅌㅔ
181 - cold - frio/ㅍㄹㅛ
182 - full - ieno/ㅖㄴㅗ
183 - new - seron/ㅅㅔㄹㅗㄴ
184 - old - oledon/ㅇㄹㅔㄷㅗㄴ
185 - good - zhoum/ㅈㅗㅜㅁ
186 - bad - napum/ㄴㅇㅃㅜㅁ
187 - rotten - podrido/ㅃㅗㄷㄹㄷㅗ
188 - dirty - suzhio/ㅅㅜㅈㅛ
189 - straight - recto/ㄹㅔㅋㅌㅗ
190 - round - dunkul/ㄷㅜㄴㅋㅜㄹ
191 - sharp - agudo/ㅇㄱㅜㄷㅗ
192 - dull - romo/ㄹㅗㅁㅗ
193 - smooth - liso/ㄹㅣㅅㅗ
194 - wet - moiado/ㅁㅗㅑㄷㅗ
195 - dry - seko/ㅅㅔㅋㅗ
196 - correct - mazha/ㅁㅇㅈㅇ
197 - near - kaka/ㅋㅇㅋㅇ
198 - far - molo/ㅁㅗㄹㅗ
199 - right - derezha/ㄷㅔㄹㅔㅈㅇ
200 - left - izquierda/ㅣㅊㅋㅢㅔㄹㄷㅇ
201 - at - en/ㅔㄴ
202 - in - anen/ㅇㄴㅔㄴ
203 - with - lan/ㄹㅇㄴ
204 - and - y/ㆍ
205 - if - zi/ㅆㅣ
206 - because - kudo/ㅋㅜㄷㅗ
207 - name - nombre/ㄴㅗㅁㅂㄹㅔ
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Re: International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

Postby beifengxiaoxiao » Sun Jul 09, 2023 9:39 am

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BASICS OF THE DRANIANO LANGUAGE
The National Institute of Language in the Kingdom of Great Bae has compiled the following guide to explain the basic fundamental tenets of the Draniano language as it currently stands. Whilst historically classified and descended from pidgin dialects of the early modern Egelian language, modern Draniano is largely distinct from and unintelligible to speakers of the other Selucian languages. Seeing as it has historically been a very misunderstood language, the Institute has attempted to ease the learning curve by explaining the basics below.

SENTENCE STRUCTURE
The most noticeable difference between Draniano and the Selucian language family is that Draniano generally operates under a Subject-Object-Verb (SOV) order, whereas the Selucian languages gravitate heavily towards the Subject-Verb-Object (SVO) format. Note, however, that Selucian itself does not have a totally defined word order, and depending on the cases used can take a variety of sequence structures. When Egelian (itself descended from vulgar dialects of Selucian) was first introduced to Gobae (Dankuk), it too had a fluid sentence structure system. Draniano gradually began to put emphasis on the SOV order, but Egelian opted for the SVO order.

But how does this difference present itself?

Example:
Luthorian - The lion pushes the wall.

Egelian - El león empuja la pared.
Draniano - El león la pared empujada.


As you can see, the words used are nearly identical to each other, only the sequence has changed.

GRAMMATICAL GENDER

The Draniano language does not have grammatical gender anymore, having largely shed it in the mid 3rd millennium. Nonetheless, there remain traces of it in the respective endings of many Draniano language adjectives. Unlike Selucian languages like Egelian, in which a speaker must pair "el/la" to a word based on gender, there is no such distinction in Draniano. For instance, to say "la huevo" is entirely correct in Draniano, whereas one would need to correct it to "el huevo" in Egelian. El and la serve entirely different purposes instead, which we examine below.

'ARTICLES' AND EL/LA IN NORMAL CONVERSATION

Draniano does not use the articles "el" or "la" in the Egelian sense. Rather, "El" serves the purpose of a topic marker. A topic marker is used to put emphasis on a word, such as when it is new information or of critical importance. In contrast, 'La' serves the purpose of an object marker, indicating the object [i.e. the recipient of an action] of a sentence. Note that Draniano does not have a subject marker; instead. "El" is only added to give special emphasis to a desired word, otherwise no marker is used.

For example, take the sentence "The dog chases the cat".
Kangahi la kojangi pelotada.

If I want to put emphasis on "WHAT the dog chases", then I attach a topic marker ('el') onto the object, in this case the cat.
Kangahi el kojangi pelotada.

If I instead want to put emphasis on "WHAT is chasing the cat", then I attach a topic marker ('el') this time to the subject instead.
El Kangahi la kojangi pelotada.

If we reverse the topic and object markers, we reverse the entire meaning of the sentence; now "the cat chases the dog".
El Kojangi la kangahi pelotada.

The time when it is appropriate to use a topic marker may be confusing to learners. For example, if someone were to ask your name, they would say "Te el nombre quiga?". Since the topic has already been mentioned, there is no need to use it further. Thus, one does not respond with "jaí el nombre...", but rather simply "jaí nombre...". There is no need for a marker anymore.

'EL' IN HONORIFICS
As discussed previously, 'El' normally serves as a topic marker in sentrnces. However, this is not the only use, El is also used in honorifics. Whenever a title is used, it is traditional for 'El' to be put before said title to indicate reverence and importance. For example, Draniano people never call their doctors simply 'doctor maestro' [in Draniano culture, the word 'maestro' is traditionally added to important titles], but rather 'Doctor El Maestro'. Once again, grammatical gender does not apply, ''El' is universally applied to all positions even if their etymology makes them female in root. This is why the queen of Dankuk is known as 'El Reina' instead of 'La Renia', 'La' does not serve the same function. In this context, 'El' can be thought of in similar fashion to the suffix -님 used in Kyomal.

Rather comically, 'El' the honorific marker and 'El' the topic marker can often be used at the same time, usually next to each other. We illustrate this in the example below:

Zara A: El quigu la leche bebedéd?
(Person A: Who drank the milk?)


Zara B: El El Jefe.
(Person B: The Boss.)


Because Person A has asked who drank the milk, Person B responds using 'El' as a topic marker, to introduce important new information. However, because the topic is their boss, and therefore of higher authority, Person B also uses 'El' as an honorific marker. Thus, both forms of 'El' are used simultaneously; the first to indicate that 'the boss' is the topic of their statement, the second to indicate reverence and/or authority for the topic in question.

CONJUGATING VERBS

In our first example, you saw that the Egelian and Draniano vocabulary used were basically the same. [You have since learned that 'el' and la' as used in Draniano and Egelian actually serve incredibly different purposes.]

When you originally saw that example, you may have been confused as to why the Egelian word "empuja" became "empujada" in Draniano. This is no minor accident, it actually reflects the conjugation system of Draniano verbs. Whilst there are many different ways, moods, tenses, etc. a verb may be conjugated, this primer will focus on the basics: Present (simple present tense), Past (perfect tense), and Future tense (simple future tense). Note that, like the Selucian languages, Draniano verbs often distinguish between I, II, and III tense. However, unlike many Selucian languages, Draniano does not distinguish between whether the verb is being performed by a singular individual or multiple parties.

SIMPLE PRESENT VERBS:
I Person: -a
II Person: -a
III Person: -a


PERFECT VERBS:
I Person: -é
II Person: -és
III Person: -éd


SIMPLE FUTURE VERBS:
I Person: -í
II Person: -ís
III Person: -íd


Let's demonstrate using the verb root 'mald', which means 'to speak'.

'Malda' would mean 'I/we/you/you all/he/she/they/ say(s)',
'Maldé' means 'I/we said',
'Maldés' means 'you/you all said',
'Maldéd' means 'he/she/they said',
'Maldí' means 'I/we will say',
'Maldís' means 'you/you all will say', and
'Maldíd' means 'he/she/they will say'.


FORMALITY LEVELS
Modern Draniano has 2 commonly used formality levels; common speech and high speech. This presentation has been using common speech, for it is by far the most prevalent and common form used today. However, high speech is still important to use when talking to customers, in a work environment, or in a general field of authority in which one is considered subordinate. Luckily, high speech is incredibly easy to pick up for learners - simply add "-ad" to every verb inbetween the root and appropriate conjugation.

For example, in common speech we form the phrase "I drank", or "Bebedé", with the root "Bebed" (to drink) and the 1st perfect verb conjugation "-é".

Bebed + é

With high speech, we do the same but insert "-ad" in-between, like so:

Bebed + ad + é

Thus, 'Bebedé' (common) becomes 'Bebedadé' (high).

We conclude with more examples:

'They will dance' - Jellos chumchumdíd [COMMON] > Jellos chumchumdadíd [HIGH]
'You ate' - Vude momodés [COMMON] > Vude momodadés [HIGH]
'The wind blows' - Barom bubuda [COMMON] > Barom bubudada [HIGH]
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Re: International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

Postby jamescfm » Wed Jul 12, 2023 1:30 am

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Welang languages

The Welang languages are a group of related languages spoken by the indigenous peoples of Dalibor. In contemporary Dalibor, it is estimated that speakers of Welang languages represent less than four per cent of the population. Especially in urban areas, they have been mostly supplanted by the Yingdalan language.

At one time, it was believed that the Welang languages formed a branch of the Gao-Indralan language family. In the present day, the Gao-Indralan theory has been mostly rejected by mainstream linguists. Even among those who continue to defend the theory, it has been accepted that the Welang languages are not part of the hypothetical family.

Welang languages are now universally agreed to be part of the Nautic language family. As a result, the Welang languages are related to the Nelayan and Mondesian languages of Temania, the Malgy language of Noumonde and the various Tropican languages. Not only that but there is growing evidence that the Nautic-speaking peoples of Temania and Tropica originated on the island of Dalibor.

The evidence for this theory is a combination of linguistic and archaeological. Relative to the geographic size of the island, there is immense linguistic diversity among the Welang languages. Welang languages account for most of the principal branches of the Nautic family. Almost all other Nautic languages belong to the Temanian branch. In general, diversity of this kind suggests the origin point of a language family. Archaeological evidence supports the hypothesis. The expansion of the Nautic-speaking peoples from Dalibor probably began at least seven thousand years ago.

Despite the progress, there are still gaps in the scholarly understanding of the Welang languages. Although most linguists agree they are not a single, unified subfamily, there are competing theories about how to classify the numerous languages and dialects. Yingdalan is thought to have especially influenced the proposed “southern Welang” subgroup. The key evidence for this hypothesis is in the display of subject-verb-object word order. A significant difference from Yingdalan is the absence of tonality.

In urban regions of Dalibor, Yingdalan has almost completely displaced the Welang languages. Central government control of the island has generally been loose though. As a result, indigenous groups have maintained their traditional forms of social organisation for many centuries in the country’s rural areas. In modern Dalibor, the most widely spoken Welang language is the Cidpon language. The greatest concentration of speakers is in the north-western portion of the country. As well as being the most widely-spoken Welang language, Cidpon has the greatest written records. In local schools, the language is written using the Selucian alphabet today.

Without support from national government, preservation of the Welang languages has fallen to local communities, with some limited support from international organisations. In the past millennium, it is estimated that at least six Welang languages have become extinct. With the help of modern technology, communities are reaching out to each other to preserve their languages. Nonetheless almost all Welang languages are regarded as endangered today.

The above article for the ISSTC was written by Zhong Tao, a Professor of Linguistics at the Kaizhou National University.
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Re: International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

Postby Doc » Wed Jul 12, 2023 5:34 pm

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On the development of Vrassan (Kalistani Luthorian)
Historical Influences in the adoption of a Lingua Franca

By Alice Smith, Professor of Linguistics, University of Kalistan at Yoshimi

Introduction

Kalistani Luthorian, called Vrassan in Kalistan, is a unique, mutually intelligible dialect within the Luthorian Language. Luthorian itself is a Dundorfic language, derived from archaic Heludic. However, for most of Kalistan's early history, Kalistan spoke languages more closely related to modern Majatran nations than anything similar to the languages found on Artania. The rise of Luthorian in Kalistan came relatively late in the pre-modern history of Kalistan, as late as 1780CE in many parts of Mainland and on the island of Ananto. Immediately preceding this, there was a determined and deliberate abandonment of the earlier Ananti, which was derived from the proto-Aldegarian language of the original Kemokian and Varagosian groups that settled and unified Ananto. It was a radical shift, to be sure, and one that happened over a very short (relatively speaking) period of time. In this paper, I argue that the development of Vrassan in Kalistan and Ananto was due primarily to the rise of the international trade exposure during the 17th century and the conscientious international outlook of Ananto's emperors and traders immediately following that period, combined with the deliberate rise of the Luthorian Empire during the same period. Egelian came to Kalistan more organically, and this, ironically, is the reason why it became a second Language in Kalistan, rather than the first.

Section 1: Anantan Culture; Ananti Language

Prior to 1750, the language spoken by the Crown of the Empire of Ananto and Kalistan was classical Ananti. This language was a derivative of proto-Aldergarian and spoken by the Kemokian people who colonized Ananto from Vintalli in the 6th Century BCE. Ananti was the primary language spoken on Ananto for more than 2 millennia. In Mainland Kalistan, the people spoke Jelbo-Turkaric dialects peculiar and only partially mutually intelligible between the several tribes. Beginning in 250BCE, the tribes were slowly united by the kings of Voristan (now referred to as Vrassa) who spread their language to the Tribes, and created a unified linguistic identity on Mainland Kalistan, which was quite separate from the cultural marker on Ananto. Vrassa even conquered Ananto and held it for several decades before infighting over succession and land titles led to the collapse of authority among the Vrassans. Fleeing Varagosians from Aldegar arrived on Ananto at this time and created the first unified system of Government on the Island, adopted the Ananti Language and began establishing imperial control, first over the Island and then over Mainland Kalistan, Nostravan and Vintalli. 500 years of war, colonization and conquest followed, and ultimately, the crown of ancient Vrassa was destroyed in 405 CE by Ananto. Ananto's administration was short lived, however: The chaotic situation on the Mainland made it easy prey for the Mu-Tze Empire, a Jelbo-Turkaric Empire rising in the Central Highlands of Northern Seleya, to conquer, which they did in 420CE.

The Mu-Tze held on, in one form or another in Mainland Kalistan for about 500 years. During this period of time, Ananto was effectively locked out of the Mainland, and instead focused their efforts on building a maritime empire that allowed the Island to remain independent of Mu-Tze through the payment of an annual bribe. But the grip of petty Mu-Tze overlords, who treated Kalistan as a source of tribute but never attempted to alter the culture or language of Kalistan, began to loosen. By the early 900s, Ananto was playing local headmen off against one another, to begin attempting to wrest control over Mainland Kalistan. By 971, Ananto had established firm political control over Vrassa, Odufaray and Neveras on the Mainland. Meanwhile, Vintalli families, who were nominally controlled by Ananto but in fact spoke a different dialect of classical Ananti and held closer to the Varigosian traditions of their predecessors, established or rebuilt various cities in Suldanor. Beginning around 1000 CE, the influence of Estellian culture via modern day Gaduridos began replacing the last remnants of Anantan culture in Vintalli, and Anantan cultural influence was soon reduced to Ananto, and the three Northern Kalistani Provinces that Ananto directly controlled. New Vintallian (both the language and the script) held on in Suldanor, and eventually, even Ananti on the mainland came to be transcribed into the Estellic script.

For their part, Ananto began a policy of ruthless cultural assimilation on the mainland after the collapse of The Odorono Empire, resulting in the destruction of several major cities, the imposition of Hosian religion, that utterly replaced the multi-theistic ancient Ananti faith, and the establishment of the Ananti language as the only legal language for commerce, government, and civic life. Those who opted to keep their more ancient languages were shut out entirely from education, employment and civil service, and within two generations, Ananti was the spoken language, and Estellic was the script used throughout mainland Kalistan. The Kalistanis were a fully conquered people. Anantan cultural dominance extended to Jahmaica (northern Vrassa) by the mid-16th Century.

Section 2: Development of Egelian and Luthorian in Kalistan

Egelian first arrived in Kalistan at about the same time that Luthorian did. The arrival coincided with the rise of two major colonial empires--Selucia and Luthori. The arrival of Egelian was far more organic than Luthorian. For example, Suldanor had always been closer related, culturally speaking to Vintalli (modern day Gaduridos) than Ananto, and whether nominally ruled by Ananto or Vintalli, it spoke New Vintallian and used Estellic script for the entire period of the Middle Ages. It was the language that generations of Suldanoran people spoke, and went through many of the same changes over time that other Seluco-based languages went through, most closely following the developments in Gaduri, though with some Ananti admixture due to its proximity with Kalistan. The support for and protection of emerging Egelian in Kalistan was given a boost by the rise of the Seluco-Anantan Dynasty of the 19th Century.

Luthorian began arriving in Kalistan and Ananto during the early 17th century, but where Egelian's development was organic, Luthorian's adoption was synthetic. As Ananto experienced general peace for a prolonged period of the 17th and 18th Centuries, it drastically expanded its trade contacts in Keris and Artania. Combined with close ties to Northern Seleyan states which at this time were falling under the direct influence of Luthori imperialists, most of the people that Kalistani merchants dealt with on a day to day basis were Luthorian. In the mid 17th century, a trade pidgin of Luthorian and Ananti began developing, where Merchants could communicate with one another. This slowly morphed into an adoption scheme where Luthorian as a language grew in influence, and Ananti speaking merchants, and then religious and political officials more often began speaking more and more Luthorian in their daily functions. Kalistan became a protestant nation in the mid-1670s, and so there was also cultural transmission along this avenue. By the 1720s, Luthorian had been so successful in its penetration of Anantan culture that the first language spoken by the majority of the seafaring people of Kalistan and Ananto was Luthorian, though heavily accented. This rapid switch was the result of trade exposure, and it soon was not only the language of commerce, but also began to be the language of literature and news, and therefore quickly became the language of Government. By 1750, a new language creole based heavily on Luthorian emerged in Kalistan and quickly replaced Ananti, first in Vrassa and then in the rest of the Empire. Hence, the term "Vrassan".

For a long time, Ananti continued alongside these languages, but from this point on, its usage as a first language or a second language began a steady downward slide, while Luthorian became ubiquitous and Egelian became the dominant second language of Kalistan and Ananto. There are a number of reasons for this substitution. Egelian is seen as a more picturesque language than either Luthorian or classical Ananti. It is deemed to be aesthetically more pleasing in Kalistan to hear, especially when spoken by an intimate partner or a close friend. It is frequently the language of poetry, art and music. While there are many numerous cases, tenses, and articles in Egelian that challenge most Luthorian speakers, there are far fewer in Egelian than in Ananti, which can get so incredibly esoteric sometimes as to require a specific article for "formerly possessive plural" that is radically different from "formerly possessive singular" both of which are radically different from their "currently" or "future possessive" counterparts. Ananti language was so isolated following the fall of the Varagosian ways that it had nothing to do for centuries but turn back in on itself. Egelian and Luthorian were primarily successful therefore because they stripped away all the artifice and gilding that had been layered and layered and layered on top of the source language.

There is something also to be said for the prestige status of both Seluco-Egelian and Luthorian that played into the adoption of the languages in Kalistan. Classical Ananti was spoken primarily in Ananto, which, though it saw itself as the center of the entire universe for a good many centuries, was forced in modern times to accept the fact that not only was it not the center of the Universe, it was not even the center of Kalistan. For centuries, people on the mainland had spoken a much more simplified form of Ananti: they were seen by Anantans as provincial and rustic, while Kalistanis viewed Anantans as aloof and entirely out of touch. Regardless, Ananti was not spoken outside of Kalistan and Ananto. By anyone. Even the territories politically controlled by Ananto did not speak Ananti; Governors frequently adopted the local language of their subjects, and when they would make reports to the Crown, it was often in such broken Ananti that written reports were hardly decipherable and spoken audiences frequently required translators. With the rise of more universal and cosmopolitan Empires to Kalistan's south and West, the emerging modern State of Kalistan sought to break out of its cultural isolation and take its rightful place among the great maritime empires of the age. To do this, of course, it needed to be able to communicate across borders. So, instead of insisting on others learning Ananti, Kalistani traders and administrators learned Gaduri Egelian and Luthorian. And the vertical and horizontal pressure on Anantan culture began to increase, with the religion and then the language being the first institutions to give way.

Section 3: Why Vrassan and not Egelian

This leads to an interesting question as to why Kalistan adopted Luthorian in Kalistan rather than the more organically generated Egelian. Egelian was spoken in Suldanor. The Estellic script had long been adopted on the Mainland and Ananti transcribed into it. That development was centuries old by the mid 1700s. There was a lot that Gaduri Egelian had going for it in Mainland Kalistan, and it could have very easily gone the other way, with Kalistan speaking "Suldanoran" rather than "Vrassan".

Two important developments sealed Egelian's fate as the second language of Kalistan, and allowed Vrassan to become the dominant language spoken in Kalistan. First: Suldanor was traditionally part of the Vintalli States, which had broken free from Ananto during the rise of the Selucian Empire. Though Ananto declared eternal fraternity with Selucia following its own unification in 1811, Ananto had long coveted the Vintalli holdings of Athosia and Suldanor. After 1710, when Suldanor, Athosia and the Gaduri islands were formally re-added (for the last time) to the Anantan Empire, these lands were treated as conquered territories. They therefore had a lower status in the Empire. Eventually, they broke free, and Kalistan spent a good amount of treasure and blood to reconquer Suldanor and Athosia, while Vintalli and Gaduridos were gone forever and swallowed up by the Selucians. Therefore, though Ananto set about making Suldanor an integral part of the Empire, it was never seen as culturally equal with the Ananti, even as Ananti was being eclipsed within Kalistan itself.

Meanwhile, the growing trade contacts and occasional colonial squabbling between Ananto and Luthori (which would later turn into a series of major imperial wars) tended to push for Vrassan. Ananto long saw Luthori as both a major source of cultural transmission (it had already adopted its protestant faith, for example) but also deemed its trade relationship to be mutually economically beneficial. Those links deepened as Ananto began competing for ports and resources in Northern Seleya, Keris and Western Dovani. Many of Ananto's colonies were situated next to Luthori's colonies. Most intercoastal trading for Ananto happened between Kalistani merchants and Luthorian merchants. The opportunities for fraternization, cultural cross pollination and adoption, and international interaction happened far more often between Ananto and Luthori than they did within the so-called "eternal Fraternity" between Kalistan and Selucia. Finally, Vrassan merchants began actively transmitting Luthorian language into Kalistan and Ananto. Luthorian was an easy language to learn for simplified Ananti speakers, who were happy to shed almost all declension of verbs, complexities of articles, and gender tense of nouns. While the Vrassan accent created some unintelligibility with Luthorian speaking people, Vrassan speakers could far more easily shift consonants to be understood than they could try to make themselves understood while speaking a nearly dead, extremely insular foreign language. Gradually, Vrassan took hold and then became the language of the Empire, replacing Ananti almost completely by 1900 in everyday life, and even dominating the Odufar dialect, which was functionally Luthorian with a Suldanoran pronunciation and spelling and spoken primarily in Odufaray and Suldanor.

Hence: it was Luthori, not Selucia which was the prestige culture for Ananto, which explains the preference for Luthori rather than Egelian.

Section 4: Conclusion

As we see: the history of the development of Vrassan as the language of Kalistan is due to a number of factors, most of which have to do with war, conquest and international competition. This history also demonstrates why, say Canrilaise never took hold in Kalistan, though it is spoken by a fairly good sized Lourennais diaspora in and around Eveari and Dulnerstaad. The adoption of Vrassan and Egelian as the languages of Kalistan and Ananto, which happened over a fairly short period of time in the 17th and 18th Century were as much the result of cultural transmission of prestige languages as they were earlier conquest and brutal cultural assimilation by the Ananti speakers from the Island of Ananto. Until the universal adoption of Vrassan, it would not have been possible to think of Ananto and Kalistan as having anything like a unified culture: the harder the Anantans pushed, the more the Kalistani population which was always a governed population of subjects rather than equal citizens with their Anantan Overlords sought to retain a separate cultural identity, similar enough to get by under cultural hegemony but never fully embracing of Anantan culture or Ananti Language. Vrassan and the mildly reluctant acceptance of Gaduri Egelian was not only a major modernizing force for Ananto, but also served as a band that tied the Empire together.

Nor has Vrassan stagnated since the 18th century. It continues to evolve. There is significant loan word usage in Vrassan from Egelian, and common words between the two languages are frequently heard. Much of the sharing is around cultural words themselves: things like food, music, surnames, dances, arts, and everyday items of the people tend to retain or substitute an Egelian word for the Vrassan word. Items like "enchilada" or "amigo" or words like "cafeteria" or "Socialista" which use Egelian endings betray a long and fruitful interaction between Vrassan and Egelian. Additionally, as Ananti was left behind, vowels and consonants also shifted to their current positions, giving Vrassan a distinct sound, with longer vowel sounds, harder consonants, and copious use of the rhotic and trilled R. A separate document could go into the phonetic and idiomatic difference between Vrassan and Luthorian, but as this essay deals primarily with the development of Vrassan and Egelian in Kalistan, we can leave that discussion for another day.

The use of Vrassan persists even after other Luthrorian influences in Kalistani society have disappeared. For example: Kalistan is no longer a protestant nation, and is instead a Brethernist Nation. That development happened centuries after the adoption of Vrassan. But it is clear that Kalistan is particularly proud of its unique dialect of Luthorian, and it is a symbol of national identity and pride.
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Re: International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

Postby beifengxiaoxiao » Mon Jul 17, 2023 5:56 am

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Re: International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

Postby beifengxiaoxiao » Sun Aug 06, 2023 4:07 am

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BASICS OF THE DRANIANO LANGUAGE - PART II: VERB CONJUGATIION
The National Institute of Language in the Kingdom of Great Bae has compiled the following guide to explain how to conjugate Draniano verbs.

Linking Verb Endings: -go

Using "and" in Draniano can be a bit context-sensitive. Wait a minute, you say, isn't "and" in Draniano "y"? You would be absolutely correct; when it comes to adding objects such as apples and oranges - in this case, manzana y naranja -, we use "y". However, linking verbs can be different in Draniano, and to link everything together, "y" seems stiff and unnatural. For verbs, we instead use the -go ending. This implies that a subject is preforming more than one verb; these verbs are linked indefinitely so long as -go is added to them. Let's practice:

Take the phrase "hug and kiss". Literally, one might think that we simply take the verbs "hug" (Draniano: anajada) and "kiss" (Draniano: popoda), adding an "and" between them. This [incorrect] formation would look something like this:

Anajada y Popoda

This is wrong! Instead, we apply the -go linking verb conjugation to every verb but the ultimate verb, which gets conjugated regularly.

Anajadago Popoda.

By applying the linking conjugation to "Anajada", we link it together with "Popoda" automatically. Note that, because Popoda was the last verb in the sequence, it doesn't receive a -go ending. There are no limits to how many verbs can be linked together, so feel free to go wild!

El je la vude kuriwodago miwodago wondago ... pensadago zalanda.

^ This is a perfectly legitimate Draniano sentence!
(Translation: I miss, hate, want... think about, and love you.)

It might seem confusing at first, but with practice it becomes easy to master.

Ability Demonstrative Verb Endings: -l ciuda

The ability demonstrative verb conjugation, "-l ciuda", began as a direct calque of the early modern Kyo form 'hal su itda' (할 수 있다), and today mostly functions the same. The conjugation implies the ability to preform an action, similar to the Luthorian phrase "i am able to _______". An ability demonstrative inflection is constructed when the speaker adds the ending to the target verb root (with respect to the appropriate formality lever). Let's see it in action:

Pensad (verb root) + a (present tense) + l ciuda (ability demonstrative conjugation ending)
Pensadal ciuda = To be possible to think

Here are some more examples:
Creda - To believe > Credal ciuda - To be possible to believe
Anajada - To hug > Anajadal ciuda - To be possible to hug

Interrogative Verb Endings: -nía/-nigga
The interrogative verb ending is applied after the root and any tense modifications. The use of the interrogative indicates the use of a question. In the common formality level, the interrogative conjunction is "nía". The following are some examples:

Bebed (verb root) + é (1st person perfect tense) + nía? (interrogative ending)
Bebedénía? - (Did you drink?) [Common Formality]

Hechídnía? - Will he/she/they [sing./plur.] do something?
Momodanía? - Do you [sing./plur.] eat?

In the high formality level, the interrogative conjunction is "nigga". We can translate our examples above to become equivalent in formal contexts like so:

Bebed (verb root) + ad (formality) + é (1st person perfect tense) + nigga? (interrogative ending)
Bebedadénigga? (Did you drink?) - [High Formality]

Hechadídnigga? - Will he/she/they [sing./plur.] do something?
Momodadanigga? - Do you [sing./plur.] eat?

The most prominent example of the interrogative in use is the most common greeting in the Draniano language, Pazan Continigga; which uses the interrogative form. Pazan Contigga is a contraction of the old Dranian Pidgin Egelian calque of the Kyo 'Annyeonghasibnigga' (안녕하십니까), "El paz sean contignigga". The phrase literally means, "are you in a state of peace?". Eventually, it was shortened to the present form in modern Draniano, but the interrogative mood remains.
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Re: International Society for the Study of Terran Civilisations

Postby beifengxiaoxiao » Sun Aug 06, 2023 4:11 am

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THE ANTIQUATED GAIR YSGRIFENEDIG PENRU ALPHABET
The National Institute of Language in the Kingdom of Great Bae desires to draw attention to the antiquated Penru alphabet, a now-obsolete writing system designed to transcribe the Draddwyr language. Known as "Gair Ysgrifenedig" (G. Yg. for short), the alphabet is built out of a mixture of three types of character: syllable blocks, initial consonants, and end consonants. A syllable block is formed with one “fluid” consonant character and one vowel radical (placed to the right of the consonant). A “solid” consonant is placed before a syllable block if the word is pronounced with more than one consecutive consonant. A final consonant block is a special piece placed exclusively if a word finishes with a consonant, to indicate the end. It does not apply to words ending in a vowel (ex: ‘banana’).

The 21 normal consonants proscribed by G. Ys. all have two forms (42 conventional + 2 special = 44 total consonant characters) depending on their use, both “fluid” and “solid” forms. The former is to be used when the consonant is modified by a vowel radical; whilst the latter is used when two or more consonants are together. It is improper to use fluid forms independently of vowel radicals, and no known texts have been found to violate this rule. In Selucian transcription, this distinction is converted by indicating syllable consonants as plain letters and linking consonants with a ‘ after their Selucian form. For example; the characters 不 and 夫 both represent the /b/ sound, but the former and latter are used as block and dependent forms respectively. 不 is thus transcribed as b whilst 夫 is instead transcribed as b’.

G. Ys. has a special radical that is only used for the aforementioned final syllable block. The final radical is exclusively used to end all words that finish with a consonant, otherwise they will be covered by normal syllable blocks. In this case, the end syllable block is built with the fluid character even though the sound represented is normally written with a solid form.

As aforementioned, G. Ys. has two special fluid characters. These s are ◯ and 舟. ◯ is used for diphthongs and can exclusively follow a syllable block. It indicates that there is no sound between the two vowels. 舟 represents the “j” sound, absent from native Draddwyr. It is exclusively used for foreign terms borrowed from Kyo.

CONSONANTS (fluid forms in red, solid forms in blue)
(b) /b/ | (b’)
(c/k) /k/ | (c’/k)
(ch) /χ/ | (ch’)
(d) /d/| (d’)
(dd/th) /ð/ | (dd’)
(f/v) /v/ | (f’)
(ff) /f/ | (ff’)
(g) /ɡ/ | (g’)
(ng) /ŋ/ | (ng’)
(h) /h/ | (h’)
(l) /l/ | (l’)
(ll) /ɬ/ | (ll’)
(m) /m/ | (m’)
(n) /n/ | (n’)
(p) /p/ | (p’)
(ph) /f/ | (ph’)
(r) /r/ | (r’)
(rh) /r̥/ | (rh’)
(s) /s/ | (s’)
(t) /t/ | (t’)
(th) /θ/ | (th’)
(-) (no sound, used exclusively for dipthongs) | none
(j) (only used for Kyo loanwords, not native) | none


RADICALS
(-) final - *used exclusively paired with final blocks to indicate the ending of a word that ends in a consonant.*
(a) /a/ | (aa) /ɑː/
丿 (e) /ɛ/ |(ee) /eː/
(i) /ɪ / | 冫(ii) /iː/
(o) /ɔ/ | (oo) /oː/
(u) /ɨ̞/ | (uu) /ɨ/
(y) /ɨ̞/ | ⻍/⻎(yy) / ɨ/
(w) /ʊ/ | (ww) /uː/


DEMONSTRATION:
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一人になって 三年が過ぎ
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