Journal of Political Ideologies

Entities from the educational sphere tackling a variety of subjects across a wide spectrum.

Journal of Political Ideologies

Postby jamescfm » Tue Apr 28, 2020 9:14 pm

The Journal of Political Ideologies is an international publication aiming to catalogue, describe and analyse novel political ideologies across the globe.
Last edited by jamescfm on Mon Feb 05, 2024 9:08 pm, edited 3 times in total.
User avatar
jamescfm
 
Posts: 5476
Joined: Sat Jul 02, 2016 3:41 pm

Re: Journal of Political Ideologies

Postby jamescfm » Tue Apr 28, 2020 11:49 pm

Image
Agramontianism

A uniquely Kalistani phenomenon, Agramontianism refers to the body of thought espoused by 41st-century Kalistani economist and political philosopher Oscar Agramonte as well as the work of those who have utilised and built upon his work. Agramonte was heavily influenced by the dominant political discourses in Kalistan during his lifetime, notably the ethical socialism articulated by Edward Bennots in the 26th century and practised by the Socialist Party of Kalistan for many centuries.

Agramonte's most influential work is undoubtedly his 4054 book Socialism and the People in Kalistan. In the book, Agramonte reflects on the previous centuries of Kalistan's history during which it was ruled primarily by the Socialist Party, firmly committed to Bennots' vision of ethical socialism as outlined in his 2567 book of the same name. In his analysis, Agramonte identifies what he believes to be the successes and failures of this extensive period before making several critiques and recommendations about how the country could be moved forward.

Opponents and supporters of Agramonte have referred to his conclusions as combining ethical socialism with Kalistani nationalism. In contrast to the work of many socialist and Metzist theorists, Bennots did not believe that the state had an important role to play in implementing socialism and in practice the Socialist Party had been radically libertarian on non-economic issues. Agramonte disagreed with this approach and argued that it had been responsible for political instability throughout Kalistan's history. Further to this, he believed that the lack of a strong national identity in the country had weakened it and that it was the responsibility of the state to create a national identity built around ethical socialist principles.

In terms of economics, Agramonte agreed almost entirely with the principles espoused by the Socialist Party. In particular, he believed in the "dual economy" as it was implemented in Kalistan, rather than as Bennots originally formulated it. According to Agramonte's interpretation of these principles, the state would be responsible for any area of the economy characterised as "human need" while a regulated private sector would be free to provide for "human desire".

The key distinction for Agramonte was that the state had a much larger role to play in protecting and advancing this economic system. In order for it to preserved from reactionary forces, it was necessary in his view for the government to developed a strong sense of national pride in the institutions of the state and ethical socialism. National pride of this form was closely linked to Agramonte's view of the Kalistani nation as an ethnically and linguistically pluralist group united by core political values, namely a belief in ethical socialism.

Despite relatively little political success for parties explicitly advocating an Agramontian political programme, Agramontian ideas have continued to impact the policies of left-wing political parties in Kalistan since the 41st century. In the immediate aftermath of his publication of Socialism and the People in Kalistan, the Labour Party was formed and entered government advocating a version of ethical socialism much closer to Agramonte's vision than that articulated by the Socialist Party. At several points in history, the Agramontian League, a political organisation dedicated to persevering Agramonte's legacy, have contested elections but never with much success.

The above entry in the Journal of Political Ideologies was written by Hua Alaberri, a Professor of Political Theory at the University of Kaliburg.
User avatar
jamescfm
 
Posts: 5476
Joined: Sat Jul 02, 2016 3:41 pm

Re: Journal of Political Ideologies

Postby jamescfm » Thu Apr 30, 2020 12:19 am

Image
Ozkanism

Temiz Ozkan was a military leader, revolutionary and author often credited with the foundation of the modern Jakanian state in the early 21st century. Prior to this period, the country had been governed by the Ahmadi Caliphate and later the Great Empire of Turjak. Ozkan emerged as one of the foremost figures in the movement to bring modernising reforms to Jakania in the wake of the collapse of the Great Empire but he rose to power amid a series of external and internal conflicts in the country.

Ozkan's political philosophy was heavily influenced by his commitment to bringing progress and renewal to Jakania. The central tenets of his programme were identified as populism, secularism, nationalism, and republicanism. While Ozkan himself was a prolific author and wrote numerous books, essays and treatises on his vision of the new Jakanian state, there is significant diversity in the modern interpretation of Ozkanist thought. Part of this diversity is the result of centuries of disagreement over his legacy while some of it can be blamed on the contradictions in his works and policy programmes.

The foundation of Ozkan's political philosophy lies in his application of popular sovereignty and social contract theory. Ozkan frequently referred to these ideas as "populism" although it is not obvious that they correspond to the modern conceptions of that term. Populism as Ozkan articulated it meant that the government of any nation must be responsible to the people through democratic mechanisms, and that citizens of a nation forfeited certain privileges to the state in exchange for the protection of their fundamental rights. Ozkan used this principle to justify, for example, why the state could collect taxes.

Linked to the importance of populism was Ozkan's strict commitment to republicanism. For most of the country's history prior to his rule, Jakania had been governed by absolute monarchs and the vast inequalities that existed between the governing class and the majority of the population informed Ozkan's anti-monarchist sentiments. In a 2013 book entitled simply Republic, he outlined his vision of the democratic mechanisms of the new Jakanian state which he stressed "must always be republican in order to preserve the equality and dignity of all Jakanian people".

Ozkan considered his political philosophy to be fundamentally nationalist. In his view, the Jakanian people constituted a unified nation based on a shared "common will" in contrast to the Turjak and pan-Jelbo-Tukaric nationalist movements that were dominant at that time. In this sense, Ozkan characterised his principles as anti-imperialist since they made no claim over the Turjak people living outside of the Jakanian state and were open to include non-Turjaks living inside Jakania. His desire to de-emphasise the centrality of the Turjak ethnicity as fundamental to the Jakanian nation, can be seen most obviously in his decision to name the country Jakania rather than retain the Turjak name used in the past.

Easily the most controversial of Ozkan's central tenets was his emphasis on the secular nature of the republic. The basis for his commitment to a strict form of secularism was a belief that politics dominated by religion was a feature of the previous regimes in Jakania and that renewal required removing religious concerns from democratic debate. The evidence on Ozkan's personal religious beliefs is unclear. Although a critic of the role of religion in politics, his political programmes included improving access to the Book of Bliss in native Jakanian languages and he often spoke of the need for ordinary people to familiarise themselves with the religious text.

In the centuries since Ozkan's death, many of his political ideas have come to dominate political debate in Jakania. The country has been a democratic republic with a popularly elected leader for most of its history, despite periods of political instability. Explicitly Ozkanist political parties have not been uncommon. In recent centuries, secularism has become a fundamental issue of political importance in many Jakanian elections with parties constantly clashing over the role of Ahmadism in political life.

The above entry in the Journal of Political Ideologies was written by Volkan Sokullu, a Professor of Politics at Temiz Ozkan University.
User avatar
jamescfm
 
Posts: 5476
Joined: Sat Jul 02, 2016 3:41 pm

Re: Journal of Political Ideologies

Postby jamescfm » Sat Jun 27, 2020 6:09 pm

Image
Turjak nationalism

For many centuries, national identity has been a source of contestation and conflict in Jakania. Although there have been prominent movements around Kalopian nationalism and Majatran nationalism, the most significant divide for the past millennium has been over Turjak nationalism. In order to make sense of the debate, it is important to understand the historical context of the ideology as well as the cultural and linguistic distinctions that it is rooted in.

In the 13th century, the Great Empire of Turjak became the dominant power in southern Majatra with the support of the Ahmadi Caliphate. The Empire was incredibly influential in defining Jakanian cultural traditions and particularly important in the spread of Ahmadism throughout the region, both impacts which can be felt in the modern day. During this period of the country's history, it was commonplace to refer to it by some variant of the term "Turjak", a reference to the Turjak people and language who were dominant in the nobility and administrative class.

As modern nationalism developed in the region through the 19th century there developed a growing Turjak nationalist movement among the country's intelligentsia. Influenced by the Selucian unification process as well as nationalist movements in neighbouring Kalopia, the movement emphasised the distinct culture and language of the Turjak people in comparison to the region's Majatran, Kalopian and Delic populations. Through the period of the Turjak Confederation, Turjak nationalism became dominant among the nobility and various reforms were implemented in this spirit- notably as the creation of the a Selucian-based Turjak alphabet.

Within the Turjak nationalist movement there were a variety of competing conceptions of the Turjak nation. The most substantial distinction related to the other Tukaric peoples of the surrounding regions. In the present day the Turjak people form the overwhelming majority of the world's Tukaric population, with the only notable minority being the distant Zargundian people of Hobrazia. For many centuries though there were a variety of other Tukaric languages spoken throughout eastern and southern Majatra and many Turjaks aspired to unify these peoples in the creation of a single Tukaric state.

By the middle of the 19th century though things were beginning to change. Pan-Tukaric and Turjak nationalist policies brought the Confederation into direct confrontation with neighbouring countries that contained significant Turjak or Tukaric minorities as well as creating resentment among the country's own Majatran and Kalopian populations.

With the rise of Temiz Ozkan's Jakanian Populist Action Party, the tide shift substantially and the First Jakanian Republic was founded. The new Republic and its leaders explicitly rejected ethno-nationalism and irredentism. Ozkan, in particular, sought to create a new Jakanian national identity that was not rooted in any particular ethnic or linguistic identity. While the Turjak nationalist movement has not disappeared, subsequent centuries have seen a gradual shift towards a Jakanian identity among the country's population.

In the modern political sphere, Turjak nationalism is associated with reactionary and exclusionary movements. Although the Turjak population remains the largest ethnic group in the country, Jakanian culture and tradition incorporates a variety of elements from the diverse peoples that have lived in the region over many centuries and the modern Republic recognises three official languages: Kalopian, Majatran and Turjak.

The above entry in the Journal of Political Ideologies was written by Ayda Toker, a Professor of History at the Mehmed University of Diyarıvakan.
User avatar
jamescfm
 
Posts: 5476
Joined: Sat Jul 02, 2016 3:41 pm

Re: Moranism, Journal of Political Ideologies

Postby Wu Han » Thu Feb 01, 2024 5:49 am

Image
Moranism

Wardell Moran was a New Aldurian political activist and businessman whose economic, racial and political policies are collectively referred to as "Moranism." A subset of black nationalism and Pan-Esinsunduism, Moranism ideologically focuses on the empowerment of Esinsundu-descended peoples, united in their collective identity, in black majority-populated homelands; those who live in other countries should "return" to these lands. To have a greater understanding of the ideology, it is imperative to have some understanding of the man, and the conditions to which he was responding.

Wardell Moran was born on 2 January 4014 in Moblanc, New Alduria (known today as Moranville). While most Pinnois families in the region were peasants, Moran's father was an artisan; as such his family was part of the petit bourgeoisie, and generally wealthier than most. Nevertheless, Moran was born into a context of Canrillaise and Luthorian minority rule over the Pinnois majority of New Alduria, wherein a colourist social hierarchy was imposed, even among the subordinate Pinnois population. With dark skin, Moran fell within the lowest end of this hierarchy.

Moran received an education at a Abjurantian Church-run school until the age of 15, when his father died and his family became destitute. Moran moved to Roannois and began working in a bookbinding factory, before getting a job as a bookkeeper for Société Dovanaise Cacao (SDC). His position in the SDC would have Moran to travel to Ntoto and Statrica, observing there the exploitation of Esinsundu workers by the Lourennais-owned company. It was during this period that Moran would become increasingly involved with the Sugar Estate Workers Trade Union (SEWTU), through which he would first be exposed to the literature and theories of Pan-Esinsunduism and black nationalism.

Upon his return to New Alduria, Moran founded the Global Esinsundu Improvement Society (GEIS), a fraternal organization which promoted the idea of a common destiny for Esinsundu-descended peoples, and strove to achieve it through promoting economic advancement and self-sufficiency. This mission would lead to the creation of many auxiliary and subsidiary organizations, including the Esinsundu Shipping Company, the Black Manufacturing Company, as well as the Black Caps (Casquettes Noires) paramilitary organization. Shares of these corporations were sold, at relatively low prices, to Esinsundu investors throughout the world who would earn modest dividends for most of the organization's existence. As leader of the GEIS, which would eventually span every continent and attract millions of followers, Moran was one of the most influential leaders of the Pan-Esinsundu and black nationalist movements of his time.

Moran believed that anti-black prejudice was an inherent and foundational pillar of Artanian (and white, writ large) culture, philosophy, religion, and politics. As such, Moran and the GEIS advocated for racial separatism and the return of Esinsundu-descended people "back" to majority-Esinsundu countries, stemming from the belief that whites had no duty to help blacks achieve racial equality, and that blacks could only reach equality with the white race through their own self-development and self-determination. Believing in racial purity, Moran opposed any form of miscegenation, referring to the children of interracial unions as "mongrels who contribute to the mongrelization of the Creator's plan" (Ref. 1).

Moran was staunchly anti-communist, writing that "capitalism is necessary to the progress of the world, and those who unreasonably and wantonly oppose it or fight against it are enemies of human advancement" (Ref. 2). The form of capitalism Moran proposed, however, would be heavily regulated, with strict limits to wealth on individuals and corporations alike, with a greater role for cooperatives and profit-sharing among the Esinsundu community as a whole.

Though he advocated for racial separatism, it would be inaccurate to describe Moran as a black supremacist, as Moran generally sought to promote love and pride for one's black identity, rather than for its superiority over others. Nevertheless, Moran has been critiqued, primarily from the left, for his proximity to racial nationalist and racial supremacist politics, his belief in racial purity, and his belief in the evolutionary model of civilizational modernization. His opposition to integration and miscegenation have also attracted criticism, while his advocacy for capitalism (and ardent advocacy against communism and socialism) have rendered him a relatively marginalized figure within the black nationalist and Pan-Esinsunduist traditions. Some have controversially drawn connections between Moranism and Biranism, due to the shared belief in a common destiny for a racial group, within their "homelands," though most reject such comparisons as overly simplified.

While controversial, Moran remains a highly influential figure who championed a movement for the self-respect, dignity, and pride for Esinsundu people throughout the world—especially those in poverty, languishing under racist regimes. Moran is particularly revered in New Alduria, where many consider him a national hero; descendants of Moran remain influential leaders in business and politics, particularly in and around Moranville. While conservative politics in the country are particularly influenced by Moran's vision of black capitalism, Moranism has also been invoked by Winston Dumas, the trade unionist most responsible for organizing the mass protest movement against apartheid in New Alduria during the 4350s-4400s, and founding the influential social democratic party Le Changement (Change; 4403-4420, reorganized in 4888 and 5093).

Notable Quotations

Wardell Moran (OOC: Marcus Garvey, see "References") wrote:
  • I shall teach the black man to see beauty in himself to the exclusion of all others, and be hanged to the man who says: ’It shall not be so.’ (Ref. 1)
  • The Global Esinsundu Improvement Society on the other hand believes in and teaches the pride and purity of race. We believe that the white race should uphold its racial pride and perpetuate itself, and that the black race should do likewise. We believe that there is room enough in the world for the various race groups to grow and develop by themselves without seeking to destroy the Creator’s plan by the constant introduction of mongrel types. (Ref. 1)

References (OOC)

1. This quote is attributed to Marcus Garvey, as cited in Hart, R. (1967). The Life and Resurrection of Marcus Garvey. Race, 9(2), 217–237. https://doi.org/10.1177/030639686700900206
2. This quote is attributed to Marcus Garvey, as cited in Moses, W. J. (1972). Marcus Garvey: A Reappraisal. The Black Scholar, 4(3), 38–49. https://doi.org/10.1080/00064246.1972.11431283


The above entry in the Journal of Political Ideologies was written by Dr. Paul Desrosiers, a Professor of History at the University of Harat, Cildania.
(he/him)
Current: Cildania
Former: Listed Here
User avatar
Wu Han
 
Posts: 844
Joined: Sun Aug 06, 2017 10:51 am
Location: Still running up that hill


Return to Academia

Who is online

Users browsing this forum: No registered users and 1 guest